The Man Who United Americans in a Polarized Time—And His Lessons for Today

Americans just completed a brutal election campaign that left half of the country ecstatic and the other half despairing and wondering if the next four years will imperil American democracy itself. The chasm in reactions to Donald Trump’s election represents a kind of polarization that has severed relationships, produced violence, and spawned countless conspiracy theories.

As unprecedented as it may seem, however, Americans have been here before. In the early 19th century, the U.S. experienced a similar moment. There was one figure who managed to bridge the gaps dividing Americans. His example shows how rare such figures are, and the limitations of what they can do to bring Americans together. Yet, it also offers suggestions on how Americans can advance the Republic’s foundational principles despite deep polarization.

Before the War of 1812, Americans identified more with their states — as New Yorkers, Virginians, or Pennsylvanians — than the U.S. But a second victory over the British changed that, spawning a national identity where Americans saw themselves as united under one flag. When President James Monroe entered office in 1817, he hoped to preserve the national unity spawned. Monroe viewed political parties as the primary obstacle to such unity and believed that the government could operate without polarizing factions.

Despite these views, however, Monroe also saw Federalists — the opposition political party — as the source of most political division and refused to appoint any party members to his otherwise ideologically diverse cabinet. That contributed to the collapse of the Federalist Party. Yet, rather than reducing tensions, it simply led to factional squabbling within Monroe’s Democratic-Republican Party, which increased as his presidency progressed.

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In 1819, a financial crisis struck, exacerbating political divisions, which worsened again in 1820 when the Missouri Compromise left slavery legal. This festering political feuding continued as the U.S. headed toward another election and the 50th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence.

In the hopes of overcoming the growing tension, and stirring up excitement for the anniversary, Monroe looked across the Atlantic to Marie-Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier de Lafayette, better known in the U.S. as the Marquis de Lafayette. Lafayette was a French noble who had volunteered his service to the Continental Army during the American Revolution and won the trust of George Washington. He ultimately commanded American troops at the decisive victory at Yorktown in 1781, making him beloved by all in the U.S.

On Aug. 15, 1824, at Monroe’s invitation, Lafayette returned to America for the first time in 40 years, kicking off a national tour that would end up spanning 13 months. During that time the Frenchman greeted millions of Americans in all 24 states. In New York City alone, 80,000 people, nearly half of the city’s population, came out to greet him. 

Lafayette’s tour launched as Americans embarked on a tumultuous presidential election. It would be the first election in which none of the candidates had fought in the American Revolution or had a hand in the country’s founding documents. Without the rose-colored glasses of the Founding generation to guide voters, the nation was at a crossroads. Would the presidency be reserved only for those with familial ties to the heroes of the Revolution, or would America be a nation where the common man could rule?

The race saw four primary candidates: Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, and William Crawford. The campaign was incredibly fractious and no candidate won enough electoral votes to win, which forced the House of Representatives to select the next president. Jackson had secured the popular vote and held the majority of the electoral votes, which left the former general confident the House would select him.

Instead, on Feb. 9, 1825, the House elected Adams as the sixth president. The choice enraged Jackson supporters, who claimed that a “corrupt bargain” had taken place, orchestrated by the lobbying efforts of Kentucky Representative Henry Clay. When Clay accepted Adams’ offer to be Secretary of State, then a natural stepping stone to the presidency, it further outraged Jackson supporters.

As the division threatened to rip the U.S. apart, Lafayette’s presence appeared to temper the electoral zeal that gripped the nation. He publicly stayed out of the race (though he privately favored Adams), but partisanship waned in his presence. Politicians, who days before had hurled bitter insults at each other, found themselves side by side at Lafayette’s table, raising a toast to him and the prosperity of America. Even Lafayette couldn’t fully escape the electoral tensions — a militia stormed one of his events to threaten to take up arms to ensure Jackson’s installment as president.

Yet, Lafayette inspired a renewed sense of national gratitude. The opportunity for Americans to see and thank the last surviving Major General of the American Revolution led to the nation’s first tourism boon. Especially in smaller towns that Lafayette visited, the size of the crowds outnumbered the recorded population. Travel was limited in an era where the steamboat was the novel invention, but Americans embarked on foot, horseback, and coach for the opportunity to see the French hero.

His presence encouraged citizens to revisit the values of the Revolution and the concept of a free and equal nation. Americans of all social classes, genders, and races found inspiration in the democratic message of Lafayette’s tour. In Concord, Mass., a group of farmers and mechanics, alongside their wives and daughters, protested when they were turned away from a public reception with Lafayette in favor of more elite members of town. In New Haven, Conn., organizers barred a group of women from a breakfast event with Lafayette on the basis of their gender. The general, however, happily welcomed an opportunity to greet them.

These moments were not radical signs of social change, but helped to birth a movement of collective action that would drive the rest of the 19th century through labor unions, social reforms, and women’s suffrage.

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Lafayette even used his bipartisan popularity to advance a cause at the root of some of Americans’ most fierce divisions. He passionately opposed slavery, and in his personal correspondence and public actions, Lafayette frequently went out of his way to acknowledge Black Americans who had aided him during his time in America. In Richmond, he publicly embraced James Armistead Lafayette, who had served as a spy during the Siege of Yorktown. In New Orleans, he requested an audience with Black veterans of the War of 1812.

At Thomas Jefferson’s Monticello, Lafayette was overheard confronting his friend on slavery. Israel, a man enslaved by Jefferson later recalled Lafayette’s passion regarding emancipation, with him even pointedly reminding Jefferson that the Revolution was a fight “for a great and noble principle—the freedom of mankind.” By publicly and privately drawing attention to the institution of slavery and those enslaved, especially in Southern cities and plantations, Lafayette was making his position known and trying to hasten the end of the odious practice. 

While these efforts failed, they reflected the importance of small, meaningful action. Lafayette’s status as the “Nation’s Guest” placed him in a position where few would challenge him and instead of following the expected protocol, he used it to break the status quo. Lafayette did not lecture the public on America’s moral shortcomings, but instead subverted social rules and openly welcomed those who were excluded, especially women and Black Americans. He did not condemn those who disagreed with him, but instead encouraged conversation. Lafayette used his celebrity to advance the cause of America’s original purpose: a freely elected and representative government for all people.

Lafayette’s visit resulted in hundreds of streets, schools, and towns being named after him, but ultimately, the national unity proved temporary, reemerging soon after Lafayette’s departure building for more than three decades until the Civil War.

Ultimately, Lafayette’s most important contribution may have been inspiring Americans to take up the causes he championed. Abolitionists like Charles Sumner and Frederick Douglass went on to heavily cite his views. Almost a century later, suffragists gathered at the base of Lafayette’s statue in Lafayette Square in Washington D.C. to protest for their right to vote.

While Lafayette’s tour did not immediately shift American society, his views became a moral compass that drove progress across generations. 

As the 2024 election comes to a close, the comparisons to our country 200 years ago are notable. As the nation grows increasingly partisan, it seems hard to imagine a Lafayette-like figure. There is no universally recognized war hero with ties to the one of the most revered Americans in history to bring people together. 

Yet, Lafayette’s tour still has lessons for Americans today. It showed the power of publicly confronting injustice and the need for discussions across ideological lines. Engaging in these practices can help advance Americans’ goal of attaining a more perfect union.

Elizabeth M. Reese is a public historian in the Washington, D.C. area. Her book, Marquis de Lafayette Returns: A Tour of America’s National Capital Region, was published by The History Press in 2024.

Made by History takes readers beyond the headlines with articles written and edited by professional historians. Learn more about Made by History at TIME here. Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of TIME editors.