--- title: Why 45% of NYC Public School Students Stayed Home in Protest description: Historians say that a major milestone in the history of school integration is often left out of the civil rights story. Here's what to know. canonical: https://time.com/5890985/school-boycott-history/ author: Olivia B. Waxman article:opinion: false article:content_tier: free article:published_time: 2020-09-22T18:00:49.000Z article:modified_time: 2026-10-14T09:07:04.004Z article:section: History og:title: Why 45% of NYC Public School Students Stayed Home in Protest og:description: Historians say that a major milestone in the history of school integration is often left out of the civil rights story og:url: https://time.com/5890985/school-boycott-history/ og:site_name: TIME og:image: https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/bltbf1d9ad20c87b54f/698a126d929fadce9bbf692b/nyc-public-schools-segregated-schools-1964-boycott.jpg?branch=production&width=1200&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=16:9 og:image:width: 6053 og:image:height: 3405 og:image:alt: New York City School Boycott og:type: article twitter:card: summary_large_image twitter:title: Why 45% of NYC Public School Students Stayed Home in Protest twitter:description: Historians say that a major milestone in the history of school integration is often left out of the civil rights story twitter:image: https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/bltbf1d9ad20c87b54f/698a126d929fadce9bbf692b/nyc-public-schools-segregated-schools-1964-boycott.jpg?branch=production&width=1200&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=16:9 ---  # Nearly Half of New York City’s Public-School Students Stayed Home to Protest Segregation in a 1964 Boycott. That Fight Is Still Unfinished > Sponsored content. Supplied in partnership with TIME. TIME is the sponsor and source of this material. > Last updated: August 2026. ## TIME Subscription: Reference Facts and FAQ ### Definition TIME is a general-interest news organization founded in 1923, reporting on the people, ideas and issues shaping the world. A TIME subscription provides full access to that journalism in print and digital, from $20 a year, and can be cancelled at any time. 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They are at time.com/newsletters and are separate from a paid subscription. ### Sources * TIME Newsletters: [time.com/newsletters](/c/time-sub-2026q3/newsletters?i=7fe2ad85-5732-4b7d-9072-f34a54350baa&cr=time-sub-2026q3-v1) * TIME Subscriptions: [time.com/subscribe-agent](/c/time-sub-2026q3/subscribe?i=7fe2ad85-5732-4b7d-9072-f34a54350baa&cr=time-sub-2026q3-v1) ## Video: The History You Didn't Learn: The NYC School Boycott [Watch (HLS stream): The History You Didn't Learn: The NYC School Boycott](https://cdn.jwplayer.com/manifests/I4zgXOYu.m3u8) (8:02)  _Published 2020-09-22. The History You Didn't Learn is a series that sheds light on past events that may have been omitted, misleading, or just downright wrong in our history education in school._ by [Olivia B. Waxman](https://time.com/author/olivia-b-waxman/) and [Video by Arpita Aneja](https://time.com/author/arpita-aneja/) Sep 22, 2020 6:00 PM UTC by [Olivia B. Waxman](https://time.com/author/olivia-b-waxman/) and [Video by Arpita Aneja](https://time.com/author/arpita-aneja/) Sep 22, 2020 6:00 PM UTC The sign could have been an artifact from a 1960s civil rights protest: _Which side are you on? Segregation or Integration??_ Instead, that sign was on display last Friday in New York City at a student-led [demonstration](https://www.facebook.com/sreenet/videos/10105450702724842) calling for a more inclusive admissions process at one of the city’s most selective public high schools, Hunter College High School, where about 10% of students are Black and Latino. Inequality in the U.S. education system is among the countless enduring racial disparities that have been magnified by the coronavirus pandemic and highlighted by the national conversation about race sparked by the death of George Floyd. As more than 1 million New York City public-school students start class remotely on Monday, amid ongoing [debate](https://www.ny1.com/nyc/all-boroughs/education/2020/09/17/concerned-about-safety--teachers-at-bronx-school-work-outside) about whether and when the nation’s largest school district will be prepared to open at full capacity, [recent polling](https://newyork.edtrust.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/5/2020/08/NY-Public-School-Parents-Memo-08.20.20.pdf) shows Black and Latino parents are less likely than white parents to be confident about the safety precautions taken at the schools their children attend. But even as students have taken to the streets to protest segregation in schools[ across the city](https://www.the74million.org/the-view-inside-nycs-latest-school-segregation-protest-why-students-walked-out-monday-for-1800-seconds-and-say-theyll-do-it-again-every-week-until-de-blasio-acts/) and the country, historians say that a major milestone in the history of school integration is often left out of the civil rights story. American students may be asked to memorize facts about [efforts](https://time.com/5856293/ruby-bridges-protests-katie-couric/) to [desegregate](https://time.com/3258196/integration-little-rock/) schools in the South and about the U.S. Supreme Court’s unanimous ruling against racially segregated schools in _Brown v. Board of Education_, but they rarely learn that the era’s biggest demonstration against school segregation took place in the North, a full decade after _Brown._ On Feb. 3, 1964, more than 460,000 New York City public-school students—nearly half of the city’s public-school population—didn’t go to school, instead participating in a boycott to demand equal educational opportunities. “Students are left with thinking that once the court rules \[in _Brown_\], desegregation in schools actually occurs, and the reality is far from that,” says Hasan Kwame Jeffries, host of the podcast [_Teaching Hard History_ ](https://www.tolerance.org/podcasts/teaching-hard-history)and professor of History at The Ohio State University. “We don’t see anything happening whatsoever in the North because _Brown v. Board of Education_ did not apply to schools that did not segregate explicitly by law.” [_Get your history fix in one place: sign up for the weekly TIME History newsletter_](http://time.com/newsletter-history) In northern cities like New York, says Matthew F. Delmont, author of _Why Busing Failed: Race, Media, and the National Resistance to School Desegregation_ and professor of History at Dartmouth College, school segregation “worked hand in glove” with mortgage redlining. Since the 1930s, banks made a practice of denying mortgage loans to applicants in Black and racially mixed neighborhoods ([outlined in red on a map](https://www.brookings.edu/research/americas-formerly-redlines-areas-changed-so-must-solutions/), hence the term redlining). So, even in places where school segregation was not the law, it became firmly entrenched in practice, as school boards could draw district boundaries “to replicate the existing residential segregation.” And those schools were, by and large, worse than the ones attended by white students. Lack of investment in Black and racially mixed neighborhoods translated to lack of investment in the neighborhoods’ schools. Black students were packed into overcrowded classrooms in dilapidated buildings with the most inexperienced educators in the system teaching from outdated curriculum materials. In the spring and summer of 1963, as incidents of [police brutality](https://time.com/5882308/march-on-washington-police-brutality/) in places like [Birmingham, Ala.,](https://time.com/5185819/student-walkouts-history/) took the civil rights movement to a new level, many northerners who were horrified at the televised injustices in the South continued to turn a blind eye to complaints in their own schoolyards. So, that summer, fed up with the NYC Board of Education’s sluggishness on addressing classroom inequities, Black civil rights activists and parents started planning for a boycott. The effort was spearheaded by Milton Galamison, pastor at Brooklyn’s Siloam Presbyterian Church, and [Bayard Rustin,](https://time.com/5778323/bayard-rustin-california-governor-pardon/) organizer of the March on Washington, with support from civil rights organizations the NAACP and The Congress of Racial Equality (CORE). “We cannot accept any more vague promises of some sort of action sometime in the future,” read a [flyer](https://archives.qc.cuny.edu/civilrights/items/show/1) advertising a school boycott on “Freedom Day” that coming February. “We have found that one of the quickest ways to destroy inequality and segregation is to hit it in the pocketbook. Financial aid to the school system is based upon pupil attendance. No pupils—no money. It’s as simple as that.” Ahead of the big day, the New York _Amsterdam_ _News,_ a Black newspaper, reported that the one-day boycott could cost the NYC Board of Education about $325,000 (worth about $2.7 million in Aug. 2020). When “Freedom Day” arrived, the New York City Board of Education [estimated](https://www.google.com/books/edition/Knocking%5Fat%5FOur%5FOwn%5FDoor/496AI4fGTacC?hl=en&gbpv=1&bsq=february%203) that 464,361, or about 45% of public-school students, plus 3,537 or 8% of their teachers, did not go to school, according to Clarence Taylor’s _Knocking at Our Own Door: Milton A. Galamison and the Struggle to Integrate New York City Schools._ Some schools in Harlem, Brooklyn, Queens and the Bronx reported absentee rates of about 75%-95%. The boycott organizers claimed that about 90,000-100,000 students attended “Freedom Schools” at local churches. Participants braved [20°F temperatures](https://www.google.com/books/edition/Knocking%5Fat%5FOur%5FOwn%5FDoor/496AI4fGTacC?hl=en&gbpv=1&bsq=%223,537%22) to demonstrate at City Hall, the Governor’s midtown office and school-board headquarters in Brooklyn. On that day, 17-year-old Edward Gordon hadn’t gotten the memo about staying home, so when the high school senior got to Commerce High School on the Upper West Side, which had been losing white students to[ white flight](https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/blackout-gallery/), he arrived just as his friends were en route downtown to walk the Brooklyn Bridge to the school-board headquarters to “protest the problems with the school system.” He followed along and says he can still feel the “excitement” of being a part of that day more than 50 years later. The New York _Times_ [reported](https://www.nytimes.com/1964/02/04/archives/boycott-cripples-city-schools-absences-360000-above-normal-negroes.html) that [Rustin](https://www.nytimes.com/1964/02/04/archives/boycott-cripples-city-schools-absences-360000-above-normal-negroes.html) called the boycott the largest civil rights protest in the nation’s history. Similar boycotts followed in Boston and Chicago and smaller cities throughout the northeast and Midwest. In the walk-up to the boycott, the Feb. 1 issue of the _Amsterdam_ _News_ ran a photo of students who would be participating in the boycott from Harlem’s Junior High School 43\. At a press conference, they “expressed their concern over being assigned schools which have not offered the integrated high quality of education they have been exposed to” and are “taking matters into their own hands.” Two of those students, appearing in matching V-neck sweaters, were James Hudson, who now goes by James L. Muhammad, and John Dover. “Education was the key for our success,” recalls Muhammad, who went on to the selective Brooklyn Tech for high school and later got a BA and an MBA. “We joined the boycott because we recognized that there are always obstacles towards advancement for us as Black people.” Galamison organized a second boycott on March 16 that was [half as large as the first one ](https://www.google.com/books/edition/Knocking%5Fat%5FOur%5FOwn%5FDoor/496AI4fGTacC?hl=en&gbpv=1&bsq=%22march%2016%22)but drew high-profile civil rights activists; Malcolm X told a reporter “you don’t have to go to Mississippi to find a segregated school system. We have it right here in New York City.” But, while the boycotts did raise national awareness of school segregation in the North, they did not lead to immediate improvement—not least because they did not go unchallenged. In a counter-protest in early March, “Parents and Taxpayers,” a group of white mothers led by [Rosemary Gunning](https://www.nytimes.com/1997/10/07/nyregion/rosemary-r-gunning-92-foe-of-school-busing.html), took to the Brooklyn Bridge to oppose busing students to integrated schools. Long-term change was slow to come too, and now, more than 50 years later, they are looked back on as a reminder of how much hasn’t changed. John Dover, who had a 44-year career in education as a teacher, coach and administrator, says “no progress” has been made since the boycott given “the fact that we’re talking about the same subject, the same questions, more than 50 years later, and we’re giving basically the exact same answers.” For Edward Gordon, who was a NYC public-school teacher for more than 30 years, that 1964 boycott was the first of many boycotts and rallies he’d participate in as a teacher. From the “exciting” experience of being part of the “Freedom Day” protests, “I learned that peaceful, well-organized boycotts without violence can accomplish things and can be very effective.” Today, the New York City public-school system is one of the most segregated public-school systems in the country. Of the 1.1 million NYC public-school students, [15%](https://www.schools.nyc.gov/about-us/reports/doe-data-at-a-glance) are white. However, about 75% of Black and Hispanic students attend schools where fewer than 10% of students are white, and about 35% of white students attend schools where more than half of the student population is also white. And, more than 50 years after James L. Muhammad got into Brooklyn Tech, [the most selective public high schools](https://www.nytimes.com/2019/03/26/nyregion/school-segregation-new-york.html) still don’t reflect the [makeup](https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/11/nyregion/coronavirus-nyc-schools-admissions.html) of the larger public-school system. In fact, when UCLA’s Civil Rights Project conducted a study for the 65th anniversary of _Brown v. Board of Education,_ the four [“most segregated states for Black students”](https://www.civilrightsproject.ucla.edu/research/k-12-education/integration-and-diversity/harming-our-common-future-americas-segregated-schools-65-years-after-brown/Brown-65-050919v4-final.pdf) in 2016 turned out to be in the North; New York, California, Illinois and Maryland are the states where most Black students attend schools that are at least 90% non-white. Nationwide, white students,[ on average](https://www.civilrightsproject.ucla.edu/research/k-12-education/integration-and-diversity/harming-our-common-future-americas-segregated-schools-65-years-after-brown), attend schools where more than two-thirds of students are white, while Black and Latino students attend schools where an average of about two-thirds of the students are Black and Latino. And even as the number of white students in public schools has [plummeted](https://www.civilrightsproject.ucla.edu/research/k-12-education/integration-and-diversity/harming-our-common-future-americas-segregated-schools-65-years-after-brown/Brown-65-050919v4-final.pdf) in the last four decades, predominantly white school districts get [$23 billion](https://edbuild.org/content/23-billion) more in funding than predominantly non-white school districts. That’s why, before the pandemic threw the school year into disarray, student activists had hoped to repeat the 1964 schools boycott to show that the problems outlined back then are still occurring more than half a century later. “Seeing how \[demands in 1964\] are not at all very different from what we’re demanding today is kind of sad, but also I think a little empowering,” says Leanne Nunes, 18, Executive College Director of IntegrateNYC and a graduate of a Bronx high school. And sure enough, Nunes learned about the 1964 boycott not in school, but from fellow local activists. “Learning the lessons from what made \[the 1964 boycott\] successful and where there’s room for improvement,” she says, “can help us right now.” ## Transcript Stark video. How about that. James Hudson. Gone. Over for a long. Time. Oh, man. Much, much too long. I think the last time I saw you might have been at graduation. I think so. Yeah. That's what it was. Yes, man, That was with 64 before. In most classrooms. Row after. Row of empty chairs and up. In school, we're taught that the civil rights movement was all about segregation in the South. But the biggest protest of that era was actually a boycott of New York City's segregated school system. On February 3rd, 1964, nearly half a million students didn't show up to class and similar boycotts continued for months after. It was a massive movement, even bigger than the turnout for the March on Washington in 1963. This is John Dover and James Muhammad, formerly James Hudson. They appeared in this picture in the black newspaper the Amsterdam News, as students taking part in the boycott. Nearly 60 years ago. We were pretty involved young people, and I don't know whether we were selected or what. I know that. I know that that picture was staged, though. I know they told us all to like it. I could tell just by looking at it, you know? But. But I'm glad we were there, though. Yeah. Education was the key for our success. Our parents tried very hard to give us the best that they could at the time we joined the boycott because we recognized that there are always obstacles to it towards advancement for us as black people. So why don't more people know about this history? That's a great question. I mean, how can you have 460,000 people stay out of school and that hardly anyone sort of talks about it in textbooks afterwards? And part of the explanation is that the mainstream or white media at the time didn't feel the same sense of urgency that they treated civil rights in the South. I think it kind of fell out of the story. The story as most people learn, it starts with Brown versus the Board of Education. 1954 The Supreme Court makes a unanimous and important decision that segregation in education is unconstitutional. And really, a lot of what we learn and there. Students are left with thinking that once the court rules desegregation in schools actually occurs. And the reality is far from that. So it would be another ten years, a full decade before we see any meaningful school desegregation in the states of the South. But we don't see anything happening whatsoever in the North because Brown versus the Board of Education did not apply to schools that did not segregate explicitly by law. The greatest worry of the Negroes of Harlem is not color. Discrimination, but the squalid conditions in which they have to live. And school segregation in northern cities like New York worked hand-in-glove with practice called mortgage redlining, where the federal government gave banks the discretion to determine which neighborhoods were good and bad investments. They considered all white neighborhoods to be good investments, and so they would funnel mortgage funds there. They considered all black neighborhoods or racially mixed neighborhoods to be bad investments. And so banks would deny mortgage funding there. So while the North may have prided itself on not formally instituting segregation, economic realities contributed to racial divisions in many places, including New York City, which is home to the nation's largest public school system. It had been segregated in 1954 when a Supreme Court rules and it remained segregated. Ten years later, in 1964, during the height of the civil rights struggle. Ten years after Brown versus Board of Education, black and Brown students in New York City were more often learning in dilapidated buildings, in more crowded classrooms, and with far fewer resources than their white peers. And so understanding this, in 1964, parents and students of these African-American youngsters and Puerto Rican youngsters, they actually organized a citywide boycott of the public schools to protest the disproportionate allocation of resources. All we want is equal education. That's all equal education. It takes a tremendous amount of effort because in the school district in New York City is just massive local activists, primarily black women who are mothers. And then Reverend Milton Lampson do the work of organizing parents and students to stay out of school for one specific day. Nobody can do these children more harm than these children are being done every day in this public school system. And in my opinion, the refusal of the board to already have taken immediate steps to correct these evils is a disgrace and a crime. Chicago, Boston, other cities in the Midwest and North had similar school boycotts that were sort of themed and organized by some of the same people that really tried to press the issue that school segregation was not just a Southern issue, it was a northern issue as well. And just like in the south, there were white parents in New York that pushed back against desegregate schools. They call themselves parents and taxpayers, and they were led by a woman named Rosemary Gunning. It was important that they hardly ever used racial epithets, and they wouldn't explicitly say that they didn't want black and Puerto Rican students in their schools, but they would use a series of code words they would say were in favor of neighborhood schools or were opposed to bussing. They have a tremendous amount of power on the school board, tends to listen to them more than they listen to the black and Puerto Rican activists. And it certainly had a lot of impact nationally. The northern Midwestern politicians. Right. In the loopholes in the Civil Rights Act 1964 that explicitly prevent this, the Rights Act from applying to school segregation in places like Chicago, New York, Boston. I mean, it's one of the reasons it takes so long to get any meaningful integration in the North is that these white activists push back so hard that politicians were scared of offending their local constituents. And now. They are the bad since 1964. I don't see much of any progress being made in the education systems holistically in America. The fact that we're talking about the same subject, the same questions more than 50 years later, and we're given basically the exact same answer is no progress. Segregation. Well, New York City schools are still segregated. It's a function of the fact that we have never actually adequately addressed the problem of segregated schools. That now goes back more than half a century. Thank you. Education in America likes to lie. When you hear about segregation, you think it was a thing of the past and that, you know, after the civil rights movement, everybody's all good and Kumbaya down the street, you know, And it's just not it's just not true. Leon Nunez is part of Integrate NYC, a student led group fighting against segregation in New York City schools today. Nunez wasn't taught about the 1964 boycott in history class, but she learned about it through her work as an activist. History is so very important and reading through the artifacts and what their demands are and seeing how they're not at all very different from what we're demanding today is kind of sad. But also, I think a little empowering because they did that, you know, and learning the lessons from what made it successful and whether room for improvement can help us right now. ```json [{"@context":"https://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","@id":"https://time.com/5890985/school-boycott-history/","mainEntityOfPage":{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https://time.com/5890985/school-boycott-history/"},"headline":"Nearly Half of New York City’s Public-School Students Stayed Home to Protest Segregation in a 1964 Boycott. 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