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title: Supreme Court to Decide Whether Trump Can Be Prosecuted
description: The Supreme Court will hear arguments about whether as a former President, Donald Trump is immune from criminal prosecution.
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article:modified_time: 2026-10-19T07:41:56.466Z
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og:title: Supreme Court to Decide Whether Donald Trump Can Be Criminally Prosecuted
og:description: The case over Trump's immunity is one of the most pivotal presidential power cases in a generation.
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og:image:alt: Former President Donald Trump's Hush Money Trial Continues In New York
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# Supreme Court to Decide Whether Donald Trump Can Be Criminally Prosecuted

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## Video: Supreme Court to Decide Whether Donald Trump Can Be Criminally Prosecuted

[Watch (HLS stream): Supreme Court to Decide Whether Donald Trump Can Be Criminally Prosecuted](https://cdn.jwplayer.com/manifests/mO4XFifj.m3u8) (10:59)

![Supreme Court to Decide Whether Donald Trump Can Be Criminally Prosecuted](https://cdn.jwplayer.com/v2/media/mO4XFifj/poster.jpg?width=720)

_Published 2024-04-25. Donald Trump is currently a criminal defendant in a New York state trial. But on Thursday, his lawyers will argue before the Supreme Court that as a former President he's largely immune from criminal prosecution, setting the stage for one of the most pivotal decisions on presidential power in a generation._


![Nik Popli](https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/blt93f3bbc295d4b776/698a3ddf0116820b4098323a/Nik-Popli-headshot-e1686941034109.jpeg?branch=production&width=1200&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=1:1)

by 

[Nik Popli](https://time.com/author/nik-popli/)


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## Nik Popli


Staff Writer

Apr 24, 2024 11:00 AM UTC

Donald Trump is currently a criminal defendant in a New York state trial. But on Thursday, his lawyers will argue before the Supreme Court that as a former President he's largely immune from criminal prosecution, setting the stage for one of the most pivotal decisions on presidential power in a generation. 

![Nik Popli](https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/blt93f3bbc295d4b776/698a3ddf0116820b4098323a/Nik-Popli-headshot-e1686941034109.jpeg?branch=production&width=1200&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=1:1)

by 

[Nik Popli](https://time.com/author/nik-popli/)


![Nik Popli](https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/blt93f3bbc295d4b776/698a3ddf0116820b4098323a/Nik-Popli-headshot-e1686941034109.jpeg?branch=production&width=96&quality=75&auto=webp)

## Nik Popli


Staff Writer

Apr 24, 2024 11:00 AM UTC

Donald Trump is currently a criminal defendant in a New York state trial. But on Thursday, his lawyers will argue before the Supreme Court that as a former President he's largely immune from criminal prosecution, setting the stage for one of the most pivotal decisions on presidential power in a generation.

The case, _Trump v. United States_, set to be heard on the final day of the court’s argument calendar, will determine whether and how quickly Trump faces trial in Washington, D.C. for allegedly trying to overturn the results of the 2020 election. Lower courts have already rejected Trump’s sweeping assertion of immunity from prosecution, but he appealed to the Supreme Court in a bid to prevent the trial from going ahead as scheduled.


At the heart of the matter lies a fundamental yet unresolved legal question: does a former President enjoy immunity from criminal prosecution for actions taken while in office? Trump's legal team contends that his false claims of election fraud and attempts to pressure state officials and Vice President Mike Pence to undo the 2020 election results were official acts Trump undertook under his presidential authority and thus are shielded from criminal charges. 

But prosecutors for special counsel Jack Smith, who brought the charges, say that no individual, regardless of their prior office, should be above the law and that the acts in question—allegedly orchestrating a scheme to recruit fraudulent electors—do not fall within the scope of protected presidential conduct. Legal experts have noted that while Justice Department policy traditionally shields sitting Presidents from indictment, there exists no explicit barrier for prosecuting former officeholders. 


“It has generally been assumed that Presidents who are in office could not be prosecuted, but that once leaving office, ex-Presidents could be prosecuted,” says Michael Waldman, president of the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law and author of _The Supermajority_, a 2023 book on the contemporary Supreme Court. "But the courts have never interpreted the extent of presidential immunity before because [no President has been indicted](https://time.com/6264880/president-arrested-indicted-history-trump/) before Donald Trump."

The election case in Washington is [one of four felony cases](https://time.com/6301112/trump-criminal-cases-status/) Trump is facing while he challenges President Joe Biden for re-election. Three of them could be affected by the Supreme Court’s ruling in this case: the Jack Smith case, the federal case in Florida, where he is charged with illegally retaining classified materials after leaving the White House and obstructing government efforts to retrieve them, and the state case in Georgia, over allegations that he participated in a conspiracy to undo the state’s 2020 election results. (The state case against him in New York, over his [alleged falsification of business records](https://time.com/6965419/trump-hush-money-trial-legal-questions/) to cover up an old sexual encounter in order to influence the 2016 election, would not be affected, because it concerns conduct undertaken before he became President.)

“The Supreme Court will address the historic question of Presidential Immunity on Thursday, but unfortunately, I will not be able to attend,” Trump wrote on his social media platform Truth Social on Monday. “Without Presidential Immunity, the President cannot function, as his Political Opponents will blackmail and extort him with the threat of wrongful prosecution at every turn. We look forward to presenting our case to the Supreme Court.”

As part of his defense, Trump’s lawyer John Sauer has argued that a President can only be criminally prosecuted if he is first impeached and convicted by Congress—even in hypothetical situations where the President ordered the military to assassinate a political rival or sold pardons to criminals. (Trump was impeached twice as President and [acquitted both times](https://time.com/longform/donald-trump-acquitted-impeachment/) by the Senate; the second impeachment related to his culpability for inciting the [deadly Capitol riot on Jan. 6, 2021](https://time.com/6087577/michael-fanone-january-6-interview/).) The question of whether impeachment is a requisite precursor to presidential prosecution is likely to resurface at the Supreme Court, Waldman says, given its constitutional role in delineating the boundaries of executive authority.


Oral arguments are also expected to delve into the precedent set by _Nixon v. Fitzgerald_, a 1982 Supreme Court decision involving former President Richard Nixon that recognized absolute immunity from civil liability for actions taken by a President in office. Trump’s team is expected to cite the ruling to reinforce their argument that he should be shielded from criminal prosecution, while prosecutors will emphasize the distinction between civil and criminal liability, urging the court to consider the weightier consequences of enforcing federal criminal laws in Trump’s four cases.

Most legal experts expect Trump to suffer a defeat at the Supreme Court, with the Justices likely to rule that he is not broadly immune from criminal prosecution. But in certain practical terms, he may have already won simply by pushing his other trials, says Jill Habig, a former legal adviser to Vice President Kamala Harris in the California Attorney General’s office who now runs the Public Rights Project. “Every day of delay is a victory for his efforts to remain above the law,” she says. Even if Trump does lose his immunity case, the delays will likely push the D.C. trial and others he faces until after the general election in November. And if he wins the election, he could try to order the Justice Department to drop the federal charges against him or attempt to [pardon himself](https://time.com/4868108/donald-trump-pardon-himself/).


With a 6-3 conservative majority, the Court has several options at its disposal. It could dismiss Trump's immunity claim outright, allowing the prosecution to proceed unimpeded. It could set a precedent shielding former Presidents from prosecution for official actions, effectively halting the trial. Another possibility is that the Court may find that while former Presidents retain some immunity, Trump's alleged actions exceed its scope. Additionally, the Court could remand the case to the D.C. judge to determine if Trump's actions qualify as official acts.

The immunity case isn’t the only Supreme Court case this term involving Trump that will impact his potential return to the presidency. Last month, the Justices unanimously [ruled that states cannot remove](https://time.com/6837476/supreme-court-donald-trump-ballot-colorado/) Trump from the 2024 election ballot, overturning a Colorado court ruling that said he was ineligible to run for office because of his role in Jan. 6.


Waldman, a former chief speechwriter for President Bill Clinton, says the American public can expect a swift decision from the Supreme Court after Thursday’s oral arguments. “When the presidency is at stake, the Supreme Court in the past has shown it can act very quickly,” he says, pointing to the court’s ruling in _Bush v. Gore_ in 2000 that was delivered in just three days after oral arguments and the court’s unanimous decision compelling then-President Richard Nixon to relinquish Watergate-related tapes two weeks after arguments in 1974\. “The Justices should make the ruling fast so the trial can go forward,” Waldman adds.


## Transcript

[00:00] we will hear argument this morning in case 23939
[00:03] Trump versus United States, which is our
[00:07] Mr. Chief justice, and may it please the court.
[00:11] Without presidential immunity from Criminal prosecution
[00:13] there can be no presidency as we know it.
[00:18] For 234 years of American history.
[00:20] No president was ever prosecuted for his official Acts.
[00:26] The framers of our constitution viewed and energetic executive
[00:30] as essential to securing Liberty.
[00:33] If a president can be charged put on trial and imprisoned
[00:37] for his most controversial decisions.
[00:39] As soon as he leaves office that looming threat will distort
[00:43] the president's decision-making precisely when bold and fearless
[00:46] action is most needed
[00:49] Mr. Chief justice, and may it please the court.
[00:52] This court has never recognized absolute criminal immunity
[00:57] for any public official petition or however claims that a former
[01:02] president has permanent criminal immunity for his official
[01:06] acts unless he was first impeached and convicted his novel
[01:11] Theory would immunize former presidents for criminal liability
[01:14] for bribery treason and Sedition murder and hear conspiring
[01:20] to use fraud to overturn the results of an election and perpetuate
[01:25] himself in power.
[01:27] Such presidential immunity has no foundation in the Constitution
[01:31] the framers Knew Too Well, the dangers of a king who could
[01:35] do no wrong.
[01:36] They therefore devised a system to check abuses of power,
[01:40] especially the use of a pixel power for private gain pure.
[01:46] The executive branch is enforcing Congressional statutes
[01:50] and seeking accountability for petitioners alleged misuse
[01:55] of official power to subvert democracy that has a compelling
[02:00] public interest in response petitioner raises concerns about
[02:05] potential abuse has but established legal safeguards provide
[02:10] layers of protections with the article three courts providing
[02:14] the ultimate check.
[02:16] The existing system is a carefully balanced framework that protects
[02:22] the President but not at the high constitutional cost of blanket
[02:27] criminal immunity that has been the understanding of every
[02:31] president from the framing through Watergate and up to today.
[02:35] This court should preserve it.
[02:38] I welcomed the Court's questions.
[02:39] Mr. Driven odd, does the president have immunity or are you saying
[02:48] that there's no immunity presidential immunity even for official
[02:52] a yes stuff is Thomas, but I think that it's important
[02:56] to put in perspective the position that we are offering
[03:00] the court today.
[03:01] What petitioner is asking for is a broad blanket immunity
[03:06] that would protect the president a former president from any
[03:10] criminal exposure absent impeachment and conviction,
[03:14] which is never happened in our history.
[03:16] And we submit that is not necessary in order to assure that
[03:21] the president can perform all of the important tasks that the
[03:25] constitution were posted in him either send it back to the court of
[03:30] appeals or issue an opinion making clear that that's not the
[03:34] law in the court of appeal's judgment and I do think that there
[03:39] are layered safeguards that the court can take into account
[03:43] that will ameliorate concerns about unduly chilling presidential
[03:47] conduct that concerns us.
[03:49] We are not endorsing a regime that we think will expose former
[03:54] presidents to criminal prosecution in bad faith for political
[03:58] Economist without adequate evidence a politically driven prosecution
[04:04] would violate the constitution underweight versus United States.
[04:07] What concerns me is as you know,
[04:10] the court of appeals did not get into a focus consideration
[04:15] of what Acts were talking about.
[04:16] Where what documents were talking about because of its adoption
[04:20] of what you turned in?
[04:21] I agree quite correctly as a tautological statement because
[04:26] the fact of prosecution was enough enough to take away any official
[04:30] Community the fact of prosecution they had no need to look at
[04:34] what course is normally look at when you're talkin about a privilege
[04:38] or immunity questions.
[04:39] I think I would take a shower Master Chief Justice with the idea of
[04:43] taking away immunity.
[04:44] There is no immunity that is in the Constitution unless this
[04:49] cord creates it today there certainly is no textual Community.
[04:53] We do not submit that that's the end of the story United States
[04:57] vs. Nixon wasn't to text Julie based case.
[04:59] Neither was Nixon vs Fitzgerald we endorse both of those Holdings,
[05:04] but what is important is that no public official has ever had
[05:09] the kind of absolute criminal immunity that my friend speaks
[05:13] of even with respect to the speech or debate clause.
[05:16] It's very narrow its focus on legislative acts.
[05:19] It's not focused on everything that a congressman does and it
[05:23] responds to a very specific historical circumstances
[05:26] that basically involved the two other branches of potentially
[05:31] harassing legislators and preventing them from doing their
[05:34] jobs. That's why it ended up in the Constitution nothing
[05:37] like that ended up in in the constitution for the president
[05:42] and that's because one of the chief concerns of the framers
[05:46] was the risk of presidential misconduct make a lot of tough
[05:53] decisions about enforcing the law and they have to make decisions
[05:58] about questions that are unsettled and that make decisions
[06:03] based on the information available.
[06:05] You really did did I understand you to say well,
[06:08] you know, he makes a mistake.
[06:09] He makes a mistake.
[06:10] He's subject to the criminal laws.
[06:12] Just like anybody else, you know that he's in his special.
[06:16] Do yearly precarious position?
[06:18] He's in a special position for a number of reasons one is that
[06:22] he has access to legal advice about everything that he does.
[06:25] He's under a constitutional obligation to these supposed
[06:30] to be faithful to the laws of the United States and the Constitution
[06:32] of the United States and making a mistake is not what lands
[06:36] you in a criminal prosecution.
[06:38] There's been some talk about the statutes order a shoe.
[06:41] In this case.
[06:42] I think they are fairly described as malaman say statutes
[06:47] engaging in conspiracy to defraud the United States with respect
[06:53] to one of the most important functions namely the certification of
[06:56] the next president to dispute that particular application
[07:00] of the conspiracy behind states of the particular facts here,
[07:07] but would you not agree that that is a peculiarly open ended.
[07:12] Statutory provision in that that fraud under that provision
[07:16] unlike under most other flight Provisions does not have to do
[07:20] it doesn't require any impairment of a property interest
[07:26] and is designed to protect the functions of the United States
[07:30] government and it's difficult to think of a more critical
[07:33] function than the certification of who won.
[07:35] The election is accepting the bribe is in an official app,
[07:39] but appointing an ambassador is certainly within the official
[07:42] responsibilities of the president.
[07:43] So, how could you how does your official Acts or the official
[07:48] acts border Foundry coming to play when it's going to be official
[07:55] assuming that the present is Innocent?
[07:58] But the whole question is whether he's going to be found innocent
[08:01] or guilty. I am having a hard time thinking.
[08:05] That creating false documents that submitting false documents
[08:10] that are ordering the assassination of arrival that accepting
[08:15] a bribe and a countless other laws that could be broken for personal
[08:20] gain that anyone would say that it would be reasonable
[08:23] for president or any public official to do that.
[08:27] Very persuasively in Fitzgerald that the allegation that this
[08:33] particular Act
[08:34] Would be done for an unlawful purpose or was unlawful could
[08:38] be made in every case.
[08:39] And therefore if that were the doctrine that the allegation
[08:43] of improper purpose is what the prize be objective when the president
[08:51] is using the trappings of his office to achieve a personal
[08:55] a game then he's actually not acting officially even if the doctrine
[09:02] was absolute immunity the potential for criminal liability
[09:04] is taken off the table wouldn't there be a significant
[09:08] risk that future presidents would be emboldened to commit
[09:12] crimes with abandon while they're in office is right.
[09:16] Now the fact that we're having this debate because oh well see
[09:20] his said that presidents might be prosecuted presidents
[09:24] from the beginning of time have understood that that's a possibility
[09:27] that might be what has kept this office from turning into the
[09:31] kind of crime Center that I'm envisioning.
[09:34] Once we say no criminal liability.
[09:37] Mr. President, you can do whatever you want.
[09:40] I'm worried that we would have a worse problem than the problem
[09:44] of the president feeling constrained to follow the law while
[09:47] he's in office.
[09:48] I respectfully disagree with that because it is that we would
[09:59] have a really significant opposite problem.
[10:01] If the president wasn't show if someone with those kinds of powers
[10:07] the most powerful person in the world with the greatest
[10:11] amount of authority could go into office knowing that there
[10:15] would be no potential penalty for committing crimes.
[10:20] I'm trying to understand what the distance sensitive from turning the
[10:24] Oval Office into you know, that the seat of criminal
[10:29] activity in this country to question is
[10:34] community at least expects to extent that it raises the Green
[10:38] Cross usual question that triggers the clear statement
[10:40] rule to show question.
[10:47] You are asking us a constitutional question here.
[10:50] So it doesn't even make sense to talk about clear statement
[10:54] and rule the way that it's come up in the context of an immunity
[10:58] question.

```json
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```

