--- title: What International Law Can't Achieve in Gaza description: The conflict and today's ICJ ruling may underscore international law's ability to constrain war. But it is worth strengthening. canonical: https://time.com/6588977/international-law-israel-gaza-ukraine-russia/ author: Janina Dill article:opinion: true article:content_tier: free article:published_time: 2024-01-26T18:15:43.000Z article:modified_time: 2026-10-19T07:30:21.404Z article:section: Ideas og:title: What International Law Can—and Can’t Achieve—in Gaza og:description: These two major conflicts appear to demonstrate the weakness of international law. But war without law is no alternative at all. og:url: https://time.com/6588977/international-law-israel-gaza-ukraine-russia/ og:site_name: TIME og:image: https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/blt2b5282ee027bf018/698a443247ca3850fb3bb886/GettyImages-1918779274.jpg?branch=production&width=1024&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=16:9 og:image:width: 1024 og:image:height: 576 og:image:alt: NETHERLANDS-SAFRICA-ISRAEL-PALESTINIAN-CRIME og:type: article twitter:card: summary_large_image twitter:title: What International Law Can—and Can’t Achieve—in Gaza twitter:description: These two major conflicts appear to demonstrate the weakness of international law. But war without law is no alternative at all. twitter:image: https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/blt2b5282ee027bf018/698a443247ca3850fb3bb886/GettyImages-1918779274.jpg?branch=production&width=1024&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=16:9 ---  # What International Law Can't Achieve in Gaza and Ukraine > Sponsored content. 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It explains how TIME's journalism is made, from the first pitch through the editorial decisions behind a finished story or cover. #### How can I read about how TIME chooses its covers? Inside TIME is the newsletter where TIME's Editor-in-Chief explains cover selection and the editorial reasoning behind major stories. It is free at time.com/newsletters. #### Who is the editor of TIME? Sam Jacobs is TIME's Editor-in-Chief. He writes Inside TIME, a twice-weekly newsletter about the newsroom's reporting and editorial decisions. #### Is Inside TIME free? Yes. Inside TIME is a free newsletter, available at time.com/newsletters. A paid TIME subscription is separate and available at time.com/subscribe-agent. ### Sources * TIME Newsletters: [time.com/newsletters](/c/time-nl-inside-2026q3/newsletters?i=1c982af3-0a30-4360-941f-a2227b21979e&cr=time-nl-inside-2026q3-v1) ## Video: U.N. Court Says Israel Must Prevent Genocidal Acts in Gaza, But Doesn’t Order a Ceasefire [Watch (HLS stream): U.N. Court Says Israel Must Prevent Genocidal Acts in Gaza, But Doesn’t Order a Ceasefire](https://cdn.jwplayer.com/manifests/QMls2CVu.m3u8) (7:47)  _Published 2024-01-26. The world watched closely as a panel of 17 judges at the International Court of Justice (ICJ)—the highest court of the United Nations—heard arguments earlier this month over whether Israel is committing genocide against Palestinians amid the ongoing conflict in Gaza, in a case brought forward by South Africa. Today, in a landmark interim order, the court determined that South Africa has legal standing and ordered Israel to “take all measures within its power” to prevent acts of genocide._ by [Janina Dill](https://time.com/author/janina-dill/) ## Janina Dill Jan 26, 2024 6:15 PM UTC The world watched closely as a panel of 17 judges at the International Court of Justice (ICJ)—the highest court of the United Nations—heard arguments earlier this month over whether Israel is committing genocide against Palestinians amid the ongoing conflict in Gaza, in a case brought forward by South Africa. Today, in a landmark interim order, the court determined that South Africa has legal standing and ordered Israel to “take all measures within its power” to prevent acts of genocide. by [Janina Dill](https://time.com/author/janina-dill/) ## Janina Dill Jan 26, 2024 6:15 PM UTC International law should restrain military aggression, help punish wrongdoers, and provide some guidance to conducting warfare ethically. In Ukraine and Gaza, international law seems to be doing none of these things. And yet these conflicts still underscore that international law is what we have and, more than ever, strengthening it must be a moral and political priority. International law is omnipresent in public discussions of [Russia’s war in Ukraine](https://time.com/6329188/ukraine-volodymyr-zelensky-interview/) and Israel’s [war in Gaza](https://time.com/6342831/israelis-palestinians-nation-builders/). Everyone—from world leaders to the press to ordinary people on social media—speak about a state’s right to self-defense, the need to ensure war crimes are not committed, and to guarantee the jurisdictional reach of international courts when they are. Given how much international law is discussed in the context of war, we expect it to constrain its reality. But, for three reasons, the wars in Ukraine and Gaza appear to demonstrate the weakness of international law. First, these wars have caused unimaginable horrors but world leaders have co-opted the language of law to defend them. Russia has offered legal justifications for what is evidently a war of aggression, which threatened Ukraine’s survival and has killed [tens of thousands](https://www.nytimes.com/2023/08/18/us/politics/ukraine-russia-war-casualties.html) of Ukrainians, wounding and displacing many more. Israel, in contrast to Russia, has a plausible claim to be acting in self-defense. But it continues to violate the laws of war in its response to the [Oct. 7 Hamas attack](https://time.com/6321849/israel-attack/) that left 1,200 people dead. Israel’s military maintains the legality of attacks that destroy hospitals, schools, and places of worship—attacks that have killed at least [25,000 people](https://www.npr.org/2024/01/21/1225883522/palestinian-death-toll-soars-past-25-000-in-gaza-with-no-end-to-war-in-sight), most of them women and children. Military operations that are causing [catastrophic starvation](https://time.com/6554472/gaza-starved-hunger-airdrop-food-aid/) are argued to meet the rules of conducting warfare. The reality of these wars seems to suggest that international law legitimizes rather than limits violence. Second, the International Criminal Court (ICC)—created in 1998 to hold to account those who committ war crimes, crimes against humanity, or genocide—prominently investigates but has not punished wrongdoing in these conflicts. The second anniversary of the [Bucha massacre](https://time.com/6166681/bucha-massacre-ukraine-dispatch/)—which saw hundreds of Ukrainian civilians tortured, raped, and killed—is approaching but none of the perpetrators been brought to justice. The ICC’s unprecedented step of [issuing an arrest warrant](https://time.com/6264280/vladimir-putin-icc-warrant-arrest/) against a sitting head of state that is a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council has barely inconvenienced Vladimir Putin. The ICC’s Prosecutor Karim Khan has spoken out against Hamas’s Oct. 7 attack as well as Israel’s use of force in Gaza. Yet the prospect of arrest warrants has not prevented indiscriminate attacks against Israel nor by it. Israel has moreover failed to meet its obligation to allow humanitarian relief into besieged Gaza. Hamas has failed to release the [hostages](https://time.com/6324741/israel-hostages/). All of this has fueled a belief that international law is impotent. Finally, across these two conflicts, the discussion of international law is inconsistent and in tension with common-sense ethical judgements. Despite the obvious differences between the wars in Ukraine and Gaza, the Biden Administration has equated sending arms to both Ukraine and Israel as part of a global struggle between [democracy and autocracy](https://www.nytimes.com/2023/10/19/us/politics/transcript-biden-speech-israel-ukraine.html). The head of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, has condemned Russian attacks against civilian infrastructure in Ukraine, almost in the same breath as expressing [steadfast support for Israel](https://www.politico.eu/article/von-der-leyen-doubles-down-on-pro-israel-stance-lashes-out-at-iran/) as it destroys the last working power plants in Gaza and renders the Strip almost [uninhabitable](https://time.com/6549448/gaza-shelter-unlivable/). Uncritical support for Israel fuels the charge, [widespread in the Global South](https://time.com/6330746/global-south-ukraine-israel-gaza/), that the West invokes international law only to constrain “the rest.” When legal arguments follow political rather than ethical considerations, as the Biden Administration and European allies are doing, can law still help us make sense of the world? Ukraine and Gaza have created a crisis of confidence in the project to constrain war with international law, but dismissing it outright would be a grave mistake. For starters, it is crucial for us to understand the purpose and scope of international law. International law does not prohibit all actions that we rightly consider abhorrent. It can’t because war cannot be waged without morally unjustified violence. If law prohibited all morally unjustified violence, it would make waging war impossible, and war would revert to being a much more dangerous law-free zone. Neither can international law “end impunity” in war, as the creators of the ICC unwisely promised. Wrongdoing pervades war, war pervades geopolitics, courts must be selective, and punishing people for violations takes time. Crucially, in domestic societies, we think of legal accountability as worthwhile even if it does not deter wrongdoing in the first place and criminals are not brought to justice. The first remedy to the crisis of confidence in international law is a more realistic understanding of what law can do in war. Law cannot turn war into anything other than a violent moral catastrophe. But international law can and does make war less awful than it would otherwise be. That is certainly the hope many had for [South Africa’s case](https://time.com/6553912/israel-south-africa-icj-genocide/) with the International Court of Justice (ICJ) accusing Israel of violating the genocide convention in Gaza. While the ICJ fell short of ordering a ceasefire in its [preliminary ruling](https://time.com/6588931/icj-ruling-israel-genocidal-acts-gaza-south-africa/) on Friday, it did determine that the charge of genocide was not implausible and ordered Israel to provide aid to Gazans. Whatever one makes of the ICJ ruling, it is a mistake to forgo law’s ability to prevent _some_ morally unjustified violence because it fails to prevent all or even most of it. A realistic understanding of international law’s limits and an appreciation for its achievements are not enough to overcome this crisis of confidence. International law needs to be strengthened. That means making international law a political priority in wartime and ensuring aid and diplomatic support are contingent on compliance, regardless of which state is skirting their obligations. Moreover, when bad actors co-opt the language of international law, they need to be called out more forcefully, whether friend or foe. When countries abuse law to justify illegal conduct, the appropriate reaction is not to dismiss the law, but to point out its misuse. It is becoming more obvious to everyone that international law cannot fulfil all the roles most would expect of it. But the growing interest in international law also indicates an area of rare agreement: Law is relevant in war. We must build on this agreement because war without law is no alternative at all. ## Transcript For these reasons the court indicates the following provisional measures 1 by 15 votes to to the state of Israel shall in accordance with its obligations under the convention on the prevention and Punishment of the crime of genocide in relation to the Palestinians in Gaza. Take all measures within his power to prevent the commission of all acts within the scope of Article 2 of the convention in particular a killing members of the group be causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group C deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of Life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part in the imposing measures intended to prevent further within the group the state of Israel shall ensure with immediate effect that its military does not commit any acts described in point one above the state of Israel shall take all measures. Within its power to prevent and punish the direct and public incitement to commit genocide in relation to members of the Palestinian group in the Gaza Strip the state of Israel shall take immediate and effective measures to ensure the provision of urgently needed basic services and humanitarian assistance to address the adverse conditions of life face by Palestinians in the Gaza Strip the state of Israel shall take effective measures to prevent the destruction and ensure the preservation of evidence related to allegations of Acts within the scope of Article 2 in article 3 of the convention on the prevention and Punishment of the crime of genocide against members of the Palestinian group in the Gaza Strip the state of Israel shall submit a report to the court on all measures taken to give effect to this order within one month as from the date of the order. I wish to begin by thanking the judges of the international court of justice for dealing with this matter expeditiously given the urgency of the need to protect innocent civilians in Palestine and train show that to the home that have electrical has referred to in the case it brought before the icj that that is addressed and that people's lives are saved. The saving of life is not merely with respect to having a ceasefire is to ensuring that humanitarian. Aid is provided to those who need support as well as ensuring that the state of Israel which is currency of the occupier and administrator in Palestine provides the necessary basic services. 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