--- title: Congress Isn’t Gridlocked. That Doesn’t Mean It’s Working description: Keeping the lights on isn’t nothing, but that’s pretty much the bare minimum the public expects. canonical: https://time.com/6158708/congress-gridlock-working/ author: Philip Elliott article:opinion: false article:content_tier: free article:published_time: 2022-03-18T16:01:12.000Z article:modified_time: 2026-02-24T14:01:33.774Z article:section: Politics og:title: Congress Isn’t Stuck in Political Gridlock. But That Doesn’t Mean It’s Working og:description: Staking out a position and sticking to it—regardless of outcome or fairness—is a sure way to get noticed in politics. og:url: https://time.com/6158708/congress-gridlock-working/ og:site_name: TIME og:image: https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/bltfd6965119896e7be/698a300ad07533429ae6ca56/us-capitol-congress-washington.jpg?branch=production&width=1200&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=16:9 og:image:width: 2400 og:image:height: 1350 og:image:alt: US-POLITICS-CAPITOL og:type: article twitter:card: summary_large_image twitter:title: Congress Isn’t Stuck in Political Gridlock. But That Doesn’t Mean It’s Working twitter:description: Staking out a position and sticking to it—regardless of outcome or fairness—is a sure way to get noticed in politics. twitter:image: https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/bltfd6965119896e7be/698a300ad07533429ae6ca56/us-capitol-congress-washington.jpg?branch=production&width=1200&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=16:9 ---  # Congress Isn’t Stuck in Political Gridlock. But That Doesn’t Mean It’s Working > Sponsored content. Supplied in partnership with TIME. TIME is the sponsor and source of this material. > Last updated: August 2026. ## TIME D.C. Brief: Reference Facts and FAQ ### Definition D.C. Brief is one of seven email newsletters published by TIME, the news organization founded in 1923. Essential context on the people, politics, and issues driving Washington. D.C. Brief goes beyond the Washington headlines to explain the politics, personalities and power dynamics shaping what happens next. 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It is written by a TIME senior correspondent who covers the capital full time. #### Who writes TIME's D.C. Brief? Philip Elliott, a senior correspondent at TIME, writes D.C. Brief. #### Is D.C. Brief free? Yes. D.C. Brief is free at time.com/newsletters.  by [Philip Elliott](https://time.com/author/philip-elliott/)  ## Philip Elliott Senior Correspondent Mar 18, 2022 4:01 PM UTC  People walk along the steps of the Capitol in Washington, on March 15, 2022. People walk along the steps of the Capitol in Washington, on March 15, 2022. Stefani Reynolds—AFP/Getty Images  by [Philip Elliott](https://time.com/author/philip-elliott/)  ## Philip Elliott Senior Correspondent Mar 18, 2022 4:01 PM UTC _This article is part of The D.C. Brief, TIME’s politics newsletter._ [_Sign up here_](https://cloud.newsletters.time.com/signup?nln=dc-brief?source=dc%5Fonsite) _to get stories like this sent to your inbox._ In the weeks that followed twin overtime wins in Senate races in Georgia, it[ looked](https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2021/01/problem-50-50-senate/617565/) like the Democrats’ unexpected[ victories](https://www.npr.org/2021/01/06/953712195/democrats-move-closer-to-senate-control-as-counting-continues-in-georgia) would[ condemn](https://www.wsj.com/articles/what-happens-if-the-senate-is-split-50-50-after-the-georgia-runoffs-11609965242) Washington to unrelenting gridlock. The Senate in January of last year arrived[ split](https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/senate-georgia-runoff-power/2021/01/05/04bc8cd8-4f7f-11eb-b96e-0e54447b23a1%5Fstory.html) 50-50\. Kamala Harris’ tie-breaking vote wasn’t the way to resolve a power-sharing agreement. And it took Republicans and Democrats a full two weeks of negotiations—creeping into February—before they finally[ reached](https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/congress/senate-leaders-agree-power-sharing-deal-democrats-control-n1256604) an understanding about the[ rules](https://sgp.fas.org/crs/misc/R46769.pdf) that would govern Capitol Hill for the two years. To say many in Washington were skeptical that much could be done in the beginning of Joe Biden’s first term would be an understatement. D.C. is not a place that rewards compromise. A large[ chunk](https://www.npr.org/2021/02/11/966498544/a-scary-survey-finding-4-in-10-republicans-say-political-violence-may-be-necessa?utm%5Fterm=nprnews&utm%5Fsource=twitter.com&utm%5Fcampaign=npr&utm%5Fmedium=social) of the Republican base considers any dealmaking to be betrayal and believes political violence can be justified. And, on the left, a rowdy progressive[ wing](https://www.nytimes.com/2021/11/12/nyregion/aoc-infrastructure-bill-vote.html) was already starting to whisper about primary challenges to anyone who dared meet in the middle, including persistent[ buzz](https://www.politico.com/news/2021/02/01/chuch-schumer-aoc-senate-464255) about[ taking out](https://nypost.com/2021/08/09/aoc-not-ruling-out-challenging-chuck-schumer-in-primary/) Majority Leader Chuck Schumer and active[ campaigns](https://www.texastribune.org/2022/03/04/texas-democrats-progressive-congress-2022/) for further left candidates in battleground districts. Staking out a position and sticking to it—regardless of outcome or fairness—is a sure way to get noticed in politics these days. Yet somehow, Congress has been getting things done. Despite the environment and its players, things actually are crossing Biden’s desk for his presidential signature, [especially](https://www.nytimes.com/live/2022/03/16/world/ukraine-russia-war#zelensky-rallies-bipartisan-support-in-congress-but-republicans-attack-biden) when it comes to Ukraine. Politico[ dubbed](https://www.politico.com/news/2022/03/15/schumer-steers-senate-toward-center-00017168) it this week “Schumer’s Senate shocker.” There is evidence to back that up, even if most on Capitol Hill have their own litany of asterisks to attach to the factsheets. An early COVID-19 relief[ package](https://time.com/5944774/whats-in-covid-19-relief-bill-senate/) cleared Congress during Biden’s first 100 days (though no Republicans voted for it). In March, Democrats [finally](https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/03/09/congress-finally-passed-federal-anti-lynching-law-after-120-years-failure/) passed an anti-lynching law that had been delayed more than 200 times over 120 years. Last week, Congress[ reauthorized](https://time.com/6158049/violence-against-women-act-nra/) the Violence Against Women Act as part of massive, must-pass spending plan. And next week, the Senate will start work on[ sending](https://time.com/6151590/ketanji-brown-jackson-supreme-court-profile/) the first Black woman to the Supreme Court. For most administrations that would be considered a win. But promotion-averse Biden isn’t out taking victory laps by any stretch, meaning voters aren’t seeing it. Almost half of independent-minded voters (46%)—the folks in the middle who decide this fall’s midterm winners and losers—give Biden a D or an F on bipartisanship, according to a Morning Consult poll for the Bipartisan Priority Center last month. That isn’t to say that Biden’s getting everything on his wishlist through a Congress that gives his fellow Democrats the thinnest of majorities. Even nominal allies inside his party are unreliable. Longtime pals in the other are intractable. His infrastructure and social-safety ‘Build Back Better’ agenda is pretty much[ dead](https://time.com/6144441/joe-manchin-build-back-better-dead/) at the[ hands](https://time.com/6130183/joe-manchin-build-back-better/) of aggressively centrist Sen. Joe Manchin of West Virginia. Several of Biden’s nominees have been spiked, including his pick for the Federal Reserve just this week because of Manchin’s worry she sees the economy and climate crisis as interconnected. Part of the limit on Democrats’ success is the filibuster, a Senate tradition that requires 60 Senators to say they’ve heard enough debate and are ready to vote. Without 10 Republicans joining a unified Democratic front, a single lawmaker can shelve the final vote. Biden [broke](https://time.com/6138696/joe-biden-voting-rights-filibuster/) with his own long history of defending the filibuster earlier this year for a specific voting-rights bill. Lawmakers in his party in January—many of whom quietly wanted to preserve the pocket veto should Republicans reclaim their majority in fall’s election—still stood behind Biden. Life would get much easier without needing 60 votes for most of the agenda. But two Democrats[ voted](https://www.vox.com/2022/1/19/22881837/senate-filibuster-vote-voting-rights-joe-manchin-kyrsten-sinema) against[ changing](https://www.brookings.edu/research/fiilibuster-reform-is-coming-heres-how/) the filibuster rules, dooming much of Biden’s remaining agenda. Which is why Politico’s assessment—and Schumer’s boast of getting more done with 50 votes than Republican Leader Mitch McConnell accomplished with 53 votes—misses a major caveat. Keeping the lights on isn’t nothing, but that’s pretty much the bare minimum the public expects Congress to accomplish. ([Sometimes](https://time.com/5889513/congress-government-shutdown/), even that has been a white-knuckle final push, though.) For big-impact promises without a filibuster rewrite, Democrats still have to find 10 amenable Republicans, and they aren’t exactly rushing to compromise. Democrats found them for the Violence Against Women Act renewal, and they might harangue them again on a drug-pricing [bill](https://www.nydailynews.com/news/politics/ny-insulin-price-cap-senate-vote-schumer-20220221-zrsptkbsczdn7blosbubenonga-story.html) or an electoral integrity [plan](https://time.com/6140965/electoral-count-act-reform-congress/). But to claim Washington is working in its most efficient way ignores this unfortunate reality: most Republicans[ feel](https://rollcall.com/2021/03/04/republicans-have-nothing-to-fear-but-everything/) handing any marginal victories to Biden can hurt them with their own voters. Polls show Democratic voters are more likely to find compromise an appealing quality in a candidate, with 31% of Republicans telling that Bipartisan Policy Center/ Morning Consult poll last month that they’d reward candidates who stuck to their position and pushed the party line, a view shared by 23% of Democrats. This explains just how [afraid](https://www.esquire.com/news-politics/a35479931/republican-politicians-afraid-of-base/) Republican lawmakers are of the people who elected them—the same people they will need to appease if they want to keep their jobs. Republicans can vote to keep the lights on. Most, however, probably can’t vote to power them with green energy, because that would be a step too far for the base, and they know it. Welcome to the Age of Government by Fear. _Make sense of what matters in Washington._ [_Sign up for the D.C. 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