CHINA: An Inauguration

The sun was shining brightly in Peking when, at 7:45 a. m. on Oct. 10. the twelfth anniversary (according to the Chinese calendar) of the birth of the Chinese Republic, *Presdent-Elect Marshal Tsao-Kun stepped from the train which had brought him to Peking.

He drove through the gayly decorated streets in an open car. Triumphal arches were in evidence and picked troops lined the route from the depot to the Presidential Palace. Reports varied as to the degree of enthusiam displayed by the populace. One said that they cheered; another that not a cheer was heard, the only manifestation being a stolid, Oriental curiosity.

Shortly after arriving at the Presidential Palace, the President-Elect entered the main reception room, where the chief officers of state were assembled. Marshal Tsao-Kun read to them a short inaugural address, bowed three times, retired.

Two hours later he drove to the Chung Yi Yuan (House of Representatives). The new Constitution of China was read and formally promulgated by the Speaker. Marshal Tsao-Kun then took the oath of office and became fifth President of the Chinese Republic. A luncheon was served in the House and the new President* delivered a short inaugural address.

The President expressed gratification that the Constitution had been passed and promulgated, as it gave a firm basis to the Government; he touched upon the need of a reduction in military expenditure, upon thorough financial retrenchment, upon the need of developing and maintaining education. Referring to the lack of cooperation in China and to foreign nations he said:

” I therefore, hope to unify the country by bringing together the various talents for close coöperation. The people must be protected and assured of peace. All friendly powers wish China well, but it will not be a fitting response to their well-meant intentions if we do not fully discharge our duty of giving protection to the lives and property of their nationals in China. … In recent years the friendly Powers have rendered much assistance to China. It is for us to do our utmost in fulfilling treaty obligations and adjusting foreign debts. Only in that way will we succeed in promoting friendly relations.”

The new Constitution is divided into 13 sections and subdivided into 141 articles. It has taken about ten years to complete and is said to be an ” historic document.” The provisional Constitution drawn up at Nanking in 1911 is now superseded.

The main provisions of the Constitution are concerned with the establishment and maintenance of a National Army (China has heretofore had no National Army), a uniform system of administration of justice and the levying and collection of national taxes. The provinces are to have self-government and will, it is said, organize their own forces, free from interference by the Army, for maintaining peace and order. Governors of the provinces will be elected by the individual provinces concerned under much the same system as the election of state governors in the U. S. On the whole the Constitution follows more closely American ideals than did its provisional counterpart of Nanking.

The big point is, however, that, on the face of it, the new Constitution will be useless in restoring order in China. The Tuchuns (War Lords) and the Super-Tuchuns have managed very ably to appoint Governors in the provinces—generally themselves. They have large armies for the suppression of lawlessness and anything else that occurs to them. This state of things obviously breathes defiance to the spirit of the new Constitution. The main obstacle to a unified China is the armies of the Tuchuns. They cannot be laid aside merely because the Constitution, says so or because President Tsao-Kun asks the Tuchuns to do so. A conflict of interest will inevitably arise, in which the Republic will become a Tuchun trying to rise over all the other Tuchuns. It seems likely that any attempt at unifying China by peaceable means is foredoomed to failure and that sooner or later a grand clash of arms will take place.

While President Tsao-Kun was finding his Presidential feet in Peking, the disappointed Dr. Sun Yat-Sen, virtual Tuchun of Canton, issued threats from the South. Said he:

“I have issued an order for the organization of a punitive expedition against Tsao-Kun and for the rearrest and punishment of all members of Parliament who participated in the election. I have also telegraphed to Marshal Tuan Chi-Jui, Marshal Chang Tso-Lin and General Li Yung-Hsiang inviting them to join me in the suppression of the enemy. . . . His election was brought about in circumstances of illegality and corruption which make it an outrage on any nation of civilized habits, thought and action.”

The Sun Cabinet issued the following manifesto:

“There have been many sordid transactions in history, but none equals the shamelessness of this latest attempt to seize high power. No people who tamely acquiesce to such an act can have the right to live as a self-respecting nation. The Chinese people as a whole regard the election of Tsao-Kun as an act of usurpation and treason which must be resisted and punished.

” The people are determined to find concrete expression in a national government, the formation of which is now being worked out by representative leaders of the nations.”

Dr. Sun Yat-Sen was upheld by 74 members of the old Parliament, who were loud in condemnation of Marshal Tsao-Kun’s bribery and corruption.

* Hsuan-Tung, or Pu-Yi, the Boy Emperor and present ‘head of the Manchu dynasty, abdicated Feb. 12, 1912.

* The first President of the Chinese Republic was Yuan Shih-Kai, 1913-16; second, Li Yuan-Hung, when he retired on account of a restoration of the Monarchy; third, Peng Kwo-Chang, 1917-18 ; fourth, Hsu Shih-Chang, 1918-22 ; Li Yuan-Hung resumed the Presidency at the request of old Parliamentarians on June 11, 1922 and remained in office until last June.