POLITICAL NOTE: Rhode Island Results

Only two politicians in the U. S. last week appeared to be ignorant of the fact that a significant Congressional election was being held in Rhode Island. One was Relief Administrator Harry Hopkins, who, when asked to comment on the charge that he had spent millions to influence voters, snorted: “I didn’t even know there was an election up there until it was over.” The other was President Roosevelt who wanted newshawks to believe that he had never heard of the Rhode Island contest until he saw newspaper headlines the following morning to the effect that the New Deal had taken a stiff drubbing in the smallest of states. Others less preoccupied were well aware of what was going on. The Press had properly foreseen it as a coming test of the New Deal. Rhode Island’s Senators, Democrat Peter Gerry and Republican Jesse Metcalf, had both suspended operations in Washington to go home and campaign. Postmaster General Farley, vacationing westward, had as usual wired the chief Democratic nominee ”best wishes” on a happy term in Washington. And even Secretary of the Interior Harold Ickes, who supposedly never plays politics, telegraphed support of the Democrats’ chief issue—bond issues.

Last week’s event in Rhode Island was an aftermath of last January’s legislative coup d’etat. By a rotten borough system Republicans had always held control of the State Senate, and by an ingenious law, the Senate, if it did not wish to confirm the Governor’s appointees, could name other officers in their stead. The Governor and Lieutenant Governor might be Democrats, the General Assembly might be controlled by a Democratic majority, but Republicans still ran Rhode Island. Such was the situation in 1933 and 1934. One afternoon last January, when Governor Theodore F. Green was to take office for the second time, Democrats challenged the election of enough Republican Senators to create a Democratic majority in the Senate and promptly appointed an election committee which counted enough Republicans out and Democrats in to provide a permanent Democratic majority. Before midnight, the State administration was swept clean of Republicans (TIME, Jan. 21). Governor Green became the first Democrat in decades really to rule Rhode Island. Even the Republicans composing the State Supreme Court were cashiered and Governor Green refilled their places. To the new Supreme Court he appointed U. S. Representative Francis B. Condon, of Rhode Island’s First Congressional District.

Last week’s election was primarily called to fill that House vacancy. Governor Green, at last in the saddle, had picked as his Democratic candidate for the Washington job State Treasurer Antonio Prince. He also wanted voters to approve a batch of public works, including more parks, parkways, an airport, beaches, schools, etc. PWAdministrator Ickes promised to pay 45% of the cost of these projects on behalf of the Federal Government while the State was to borrow the remaining 55% ($12,000,000).

On both questions popular response looked favorable to the Democrats. On behalf of the bond issues. Secretary Ickes set forth inducements: “There is no reason to believe that any community in the future will be able to finance public works on such favorable terms. . . . I should think that such an opportunity would particularly appeal to a State whose people are noted for their business acumen and their habits of frugality and industry.” To Nominee Prince’s advantage were the facts that he is a Catholic, a War Veteran, a New Dealer, a native French-Canadian like many of the State’s millworkers. Moreover, to the old First Congressional District (which in late years usually voted Republican) had been added in 1932 part of the old Third Congressional District (usually Democratic), with the result that the new First District had voted Democratic majorities of upwards of 15,000 ever since.

When the campaign opened Republicans pointed out to acute, frugal, industrious Rhode Islanders that $12,000,000 in PWA bonds would boost the State’s debt 50%. The G. O. P. nomination went to Charles Francis Risk, also a Catholic, a War veteran, an advocate of the Bonus and, best of all, a good colorful campaigner. The Republicans made a rousing issue of unemployment in the textile mills, thundered against the AAA’s processing tax as the cause of shutdowns. They attacked the tax bill, the utility bill, reciprocal trade treaties and the New Deal’s spendthriftiness. Nominee Prince did not have solid Democratic support in some districts, but he stood squarely on the rock of the New Deal. “It is for you to decide,” he told the voters. “Shall it be back to Hoover, or forward with Roosevelt?” When the votes were counted last week, 48,000 Rhode Islanders were found to favor Republicans Risk & Hoover; 35,000, Democrats Prince & Roosevelt.

More significant to many observers than the election of Republican Risk to the House was the discrimination with which Rhode Islanders picked & chose the bond issues that they would authorize. A $3,000,000 bond issue for unemployment relief, advocated by both parties, was approved nearly 3-to-1. Likewise $2,350,000 for the State hospital, $600,000 for the State infirmary, $902,000 for a State sanatorium, $600,000 to buy voting machines squeaked through 6-to-5. But $1,875,000 for a State forest, $168,000 for park improvements, $220,000 for public beaches, $550,000 for an interstate parkway, $83,000 for an airport, $44,000 for a survey of fishing resources, $90,000 for a police barracks—all were voted down nearly 2-to-1. Rhode Islanders wanted no made-work, no social fancy-business. They wanted their money’s worth in necessities rather than in New Deal luxuries. If such a temper should manifest itself among voters in other states, it was plain to see that the Roosevelt spending program would soon be left stranded on the rock of noncooperation.

In Washington, the Rhode Island results were a whack between the eyes for both parties. Stunned by their good fortune, rejoicing Republicans interpreted the outcome according to their hopes. Cried Michigan’s Senator Vandenberg: “Commonsense is convalescent at last.” Warned House Minority Leader Snell: “It is the handwriting on the wall.” Exulted Chicago Publisher Frank Knox: “Thank God, the people of Rhode Island can’t be bought!” Bubbled Maine’s Senator Hale: “It shows what’s coming at the next election.” Only discordant Republican voice was that of Ohio’s onetime Senator Fess moaning in political limbo: “I don’t see how the strongest Republican . . . can beat the weakest Democrat with nearly $5,000,000,000 at his disposal.”

As usual in defeat, the Democrats thought one thing and said another. Speaker Byrns shrugged it off with: “The Rhode Island election had no national significance.” Tennessee’s Senator McKellar bravely belittled: “Their gloating . . . is like the Democrats rejoicing over a victory in Mississippi.” Postmaster General Farley, in Hawaii, was sure “Roosevelt could carry Rhode Island today.”

Democrats of the East, conservative at heart, began to wonder whether the Rhode Island defeat could be used to swing Franklin Roosevelt on a rightward course. Said Senator Gerry of Rhode Island: “I believe this evidences a distinct trend against some of the Roosevelt policies, especially the processing tax. … It was not a protest against the local organization.” Said Senator Walsh of Massachusetts: “The only explanation that occurs to me is that certain economic policies . . . had created a sentiment against the Administration, but I did not think it had reached such proportions. I feel sure the Administration will be able to adjust its policies.”