• U.S.

Foreign News: Uncordial Meeting

4 minute read
TIME

Secretary of State John Foster Dulles joked that he would meet Red China’s Chou En-lai only if their cars collided. In the maroon-carpeted council chamber in Geneva’s Palais des Nations, Dulles never looked at Chou. But Chou’s placid face seemed to hold a cobralike fascination for U.S. delegates, who watched his every move. During refreshment time, Chou moved to the buffet table for an orange juice, flanked by Russia’s Molotov and Gromyko and followed by platoons of bodyguards with bulging shoulder holsters.

With them the Chinese brought their entire team of interpreters and aides from Panmunjom. An American was flabbergasted when one of the aides translated Chou’s speech aloud in perfect English; he had sat opposite the man for seven weeks at Panmunjom, never heard him speak a word of English.

Worthy Pupil. Korea was first on the agenda, but not first in the hearts of the delegates. The South Korean delegate proposed Syngman Rhee’s plan for supervised elections, to be held in North Korea only, for the loo-odd seats kept vacant in the Republic of Korea assembly. North Korea just as predictably demanded, among other things, withdrawal of all foreign troops. As Dulles rose to endorse South Korea’s plan, Chou scribbled notes, asked to speak as soon as Dulles sat down.

Chou’s maiden speech in international councils was worthy of his Moscow tutors. The U.S., he declared, was the villain-he motioned no other Western powers. The U.S. was creating “an aggressive bloc in Asia,” had occupied Formosa, “and its occupation by anybody can in no case be tolerated,” was establishing “a new colonial rule in Asia.” Said Chou: “We also hold that interference in the internal affairs of the Asian nations should be stopped, all foreign military bases in Asia be removed, foreign armed forces stationed in Asian countries be withdrawn, the remilitarization of Japan be prevented, and all economic blockades be abolished.” Later a spokesman embarrassed explained that Chou’s “foreign troops” did not include Russian troops at China’s Port Arthur, who were there to prevent Japan from committing “aggressive acts.”

New Rifts. Next day Molotov rose to endorse Chou’s remarks, remarking pointedly that for the first time “all the great powers” were taking part in an international conference. To the U.S.’s unconcealed chagrin, neither Britain nor France, nor any other European delegation, rose to challenge the Communists’ assertion that it was a five-power conference, or to counter the onslaught on the U.S., or to support the South Korean plan.

The fact was that many of the U.S. allies preferred nationwide elections to Rhee’s proposed elections for North Korea only. It scarcely mattered. At a Saturday meeting of seven nations called in an attempt to break the deadlock, Molotov vetoed any idea of U.N.-supervised elections anywhere, insisted that in any electoral commission the North Koreans (pop. 5,000,000) get equal representation with South Korea (pop. 20 million)2 points on which the West is determined not to yield.

The Headmaster’s Office. Inside the hall, the debaters had the same feeling of unreality that afflicts delegates to a political convention; they were merely marking time until the real decisions were made in the back rooms. All week long, harried little Georges Bidault held private meetings with Russia’s Molotov. The meetings were not cordial (“He hates me,” says Bidault). After each meeting, the British and U.S. sought out Bidault to find what had happened, inspected him carefully for signs of collapse, like anxious friends interviewing a school_ mate after a session with the headmaster.

At week’s end, Dulles tried to patch together a few scraps from the debris-though the Indo-China conference had not yet even formally begun. He called a Sunday meeting with Australia and New Zealand, discussed when and if a united front in Southeast Asia could be put together. He also sounded out Thailand and the Philippines. Monday morning he boarded his plane for Milan and a brief talk with Italy’s Premier Scelba before flying on homeward.

More Must-Reads from TIME

Contact us at letters@time.com