Burma: The Noblest Deed

From Rangoon’s golden Shwe Dagon Pagoda, glistening under the monsoon rains, came the deep, resonant voice of Maha Ganda, the 25-ton bronze merit gong, notifying the worlds of spirit and man alike that a noble deed had been accomplished. Exactly 2,202 years after Buddhism was introduced within its borders, Burma reverted to the ways of its ancient kings and adopted Buddhism as its state religion.

The welding of temple and state, voted as a constitutional amendment by a joint session of Parliament, was the fulfillment of a campaign pledge that U Nu made 22 months ago to Burma’s 20 million people, 85% of whom are Buddhist. It was bitterly opposed by religious minority groups—Moslems, the Animist Kachins, the Christian Chins—and by Buddhists in separatist-minded Karen and Shan states. But the amendment passed by a landslide 324-to-28 vote. Before he left for the neutralist meeting in Belgrade, ascetic Prime Minister U Nu, who three years ago took the vows of a Buddhist monk, pronounced the decision “the noblest deed, the greatest deed for Buddhists.”

Dry Sabbaths. All non-Buddhists are guaranteed religious and political protection, but Buddhism will be taught in state schools and teacher-training colleges. The biggest change: Buddhist sabbath days, which roughly correspond to the four phases of the moon, will be official holidays during which offices, schools and all bars must close.

Still, in a land plagued by incompetent bureaucrats, primitive economics and armed bands of political insurgents, even the mild measure that U Nu has pushed through could be a source of irritation. Keenly aware of the danger is Burma’s politically powerful army, which took over the government briefly three years ago to prevent civil war, is now a major prop of U Nu’s parliamentary democracy. Says Brigadier General Aung Gyi, 41, chief of operations and one of the army’s most powerful officers: “The state-religion bill has aroused the suspicion of the minorities. Only time can show it is not as dangerous as we think.”

Weakened Bands. Unlike their easygoing Lao neighbors (and fellow Buddhists), Burma’s soldiers are willing and able to fight, despite the Buddhist scruple against killing. Buddhism is full of loopholes for those who chose to find them: who, for instance, is to blame if a fish dies after the fisherman has rescued it from the wetness in the river?

Unlike many neutrals, Burma takes a hard stand against Communism, which it has been fighting since gaining independence from Great Britain in 1948. The Communists, who in 1956 controlled 46 seats in Parliament, lost them all when U Nu swept back to power last year. The army has all but eliminated the roving Communist white-flag bands that once terrorized the countryside (along with insurgents of all political leanings, whose numbers have been cut from 31,000 in 1954 to an estimated 7,000 today).

The army is also the major driving force in the economy, through the Defense Services Institute set up eleven years ago and now headed by Aung Gyi; the institute has energetically boosted the development of vital small industry (such as a fishing combine, a plywood company, a shipping line), will play a major role in Burma’s first four-year plan.

Burma’s current per capita income is $50, low even for Asia. The plan will concentrate on raising rice, teak and mineral production (which are still below prewar levels because of poor planning and constant insurgent attacks), will be financed from assorted sources: an $84 million loan promised by Red China (now playing the good neighbor), U.S. economic aid (total: $124.5 million to date), and war-reparations payments from Japan.

To neutralist Burma, everybody’s money is welcome. Says Aung Gyi: “The biggest danger for a country is that if it has a poor economy it will prove attractive for Communism. If we cannot survive economically in the next decade, the Communists will come into power.”