THE PHILIPPINES: Ferdinand Marcos: One Man’s Mission

Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos proclaimed martial law and assumed dictatorial powers 18 months ago. Since then, he has tried to restore an atmosphere of normalcy to his troubled country. In some respects, it appears that he is succeeding. Gas rationing has been lifted and the curfew has been cut to three hours. Tourists are once again flocking in to savor Manila’s uninhibited night life and to take advantage of its excellent shopping bargains. American businessmen, who have invested $1 billion in the Philippines since World War II, are again confidently signing up new projects. Reynolds Aluminum, for instance, recently agreed to put up a $200 million aluminum smelter in Leyte.

Yet Marcos faces a host of problems.

Senator Benigno Aquino Jr. of the opposition Liberal Party—who would probably now be President had Marcos stepped down at the end of his elected term on Dec. 30—is still in jail on a raft of questionable charges, including murder. Hundreds of other political dissidents are also under detention. Marcos’ heavyhanded use of martial law has come under increasing attack from the Roman Catholic Church, to which 90% of all Filipinos belong. The hierarchy has accused the government of harassment. Church schools have been taxed, foreign-born priests arrested and convents ransacked. Despite Marcos’ periodic claims that his army has crushed the rebellion in the south, where Moslem insurgents are struggling to establish an independent state, the fighting has actually grown fiercer.

Not the least of his problems will be renegotiation with the U.S. of the Laurel-Langley Treaty, which is due to expire July 3. It allows Philippine sugar and other exports to enter the U.S. duty free. U.S. officials believe that Marcos will try to use the two big American military enclaves, Clark Air Force Base and Subic Bay naval base, as leverage in his negotiation of a new trade agreement—a linkage the U.S. does not accept.

Last week President Marcos, 56, discussed these and other issues in a three-hour interview at Malacanang Palace in Manila with TIME Hong Kong Bureau Chief Roy Rowan. Cabled Rowan: “The small, sinewy President is possibly the most athletic chief of state in the world—a below-par golfer, water skier, pelota player and former wrestler and boxer—and he looked ready for 15 rounds. ‘Never make a big decision when you’re angry, hungry or happy,’ he declared at the outset of our interview. So it was with extreme deliberation that he deftly explained the moves with which he has perpetuated his power and the need, as he sees it, to save his country from ‘a cocktail of anarchy.’ ” Excerpts from the interview:

ON MARTIAL LAW: Actually, we have removed it. Now the authority to issue decrees, the power to issue orders with the effect of law, is the only power that exists. It could be considered a carry-over from martial law. We no longer arrest people except in cases of flagrante delicto, caught right in the act of committing a crime. We have not openly admitted this because it would weaken our situation in areas where there is fighting. Where there is fighting, we arrest suspects without any evidence against them in accordance with the rules of national security.

ON THE MOSLEM REBELLION: We captured the main headquarters of the Moro National Liberation Front on March 11 in Batong Puti. We captured all their documents. They were in a cave that would have held 1,000 men. Undoubtedly, some of our lower-echelon officials have irritated the Moslems by not being flexible enough. For instance, when I proclaimed that nobody could carry a gun, some of our police and constabulary disarmed the Moslems in an alienating manner in markets and other public places. But one thing I’d like to make clear. We can handle any insurgency or infiltration in the south.

ON THE ECONOMY: Our development costs will almost double because of the energy crisis. The annual fuel bill alone, which used to be $200 million, will be $700 million. Instead of retrenchment, the usual means of meeting inflation, we are increasing economic activity by further incentives especially in exports and in foreign investments. The bankers—they are the no-risk fellows—have come here in hordes. Some companies have come in too fast, particularly Japanese. Let’s admit it, the Japanese have outstripped the Americans. They are our biggest trading partner. If they increase any more, we’ll be completely dependent on them.

ON PHILIPPINE­U.S. RELATIONS: The old special economic relationship [based on the Laurel-Langley Treaty] will terminate on July 3. Both governments agree there has to be a completely new understanding. The new terms should reflect self-reliance, economic development and security so we can develop economically without begging or relying on special privileges.

ON THE AMERICAN PRESENCE: Personally, I believe that the U.S. is going to pull out of mainland Asia. I think you are going to maintain the old line, or forward defense perimeter, that starts in the Aleutians and runs down through Japan, Okinawa, the Philippines and possibly Singapore. Your anchor will have to be the Philippines. There is no other anchor. Initially Singapore’s facil ities will be available. But Singapore’s facilities are going to be made available to Russia. Russian warships have been reported serviced and refitted in Singapore. Your military must be watching this.

ON DIPLOMATIC MOVES: We intend to normalize relations with both the People’s Republic of China and Soviet Russia. We feel it is not normal to maintain diplomatic indifference to a big nation.

ON FORMATION OF A LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL: Our people don’t want the old politicians again. They held back land reform, squandered the funds of the government, prevented the country from meeting the Communist threat and the threat of the rightist oligarchy. Last July we held a referendum, and I asked the people if they wanted a legislative council, national assembly or legislature. We are still assessing the answers. Apparently the majority want a legislative council. Either I call an election or I appoint the members.

ON SUCCESSION: There are actually two political testaments. There is the martial-law political testament and the constitutional political testament. I’ll be frank with you: more than one person would be caretaker. They have been agreed upon by the leaders, military as well as civilian. Actually, we have a number of options under the constitution. If we shift to a parliamentary form of government and I assume the position of Prime Minister, I could also designate a Deputy Prime Minister, who would immediately take over. Then, of course, an election is another alternative.