Spain: Struggle for Freedom

The most talked-about subject in Spain last week was something that did not happen: the failure of the Cabinet to pass a bill that would at last grant a measure of religious freedom to Spain’s tiny non-Catholic minority. The reason that the non-passage caused such a furor is that the religion issue is the focal point of a struggle between government factions about how fast and how far Spain’s new trend toward liberalization should go.

Generalissimo Francisco Franco, 74, who is trying to reform his autocratic regime into a more normal form of government before he steps down or dies, late last year introduced a new constitution that is intended to give Spain at least a semblance of parliamentary democracy. But before the constitution’s liberal concepts can be put into practice, about a dozen key bills, dealing with such issues as labor relations, right-to-vote and religious freedom, must first be drafted by government officials, approved by the Cabinet, and passed by the Cortes (Parliament).

The freedom-of-religion bill became the test case. For years, Spain’s non-Catholics have almost been non-people, barred from participating in the mainstream of Spanish life. They were, in fact, not even officially recognized as having been born, married or buried—since Spain acknowledged those milestones only when they were sanctioned by the Catholic clergy. Under the new bill, the old strictures would fall away. Though Roman Catholicism would remain the state religion, Spain’s 30,000 Protestants, 6,000 Jews, and 1,000 Moslems would enjoy the full rights of Spanish citizenship, be allowed to hold public worship services, build churches and temples and identify them publicly for the first time since Franco came to power.

Unexpected Opposition. Since both the Vatican and Franco favored the bill, it was expected to sail through. Its author, Foreign Minister Fernando Maria Castiella y Maiz, 59, introduced it to his fellow ministers at a regular Cabinet meeting presided over by Franco. Trouble began almost immediately. To show their disinterest, half a dozen Cabinet members jumped to their feet and walked out of the room. Castiella, who has championed the bill for ten years, nevertheless pressed on with his familiar argument: granting religious freedom was not only the right thing to do morally but also the right thing for Spain if it wants to become a respected member of the world community. Several of the ministers who are identified with the Opus Dei laymen’s organization supported him.

But the opposition quickly closed ranks. Interior Minister Camilo Alonso Vega, 77, who as Spain’s top cop maintains that the Spanish are “the most unruly people in Europe,” argued that religious freedom would only stir up trouble, just as the earlier measures granting workers and students more freedom resulted in the present rash of strikes and student riots. On a more philosophical level, Public Works Minister Federico Silva Munoz, 43, contended that granting religious liberty to minority sects would shatter Spain’s spiritual unity. The ministers connected with the military supported the views of Vega and Munoz, adding that a weakening of military discipline might result if, as the bill envisions, non-Catholic enlisted men were granted the right to refuse to participate in officially sponsored Catholic religious ceremonies.

Sign of Strength. After an all-night debate, the two sides were still so far apart that Franco, ever a cautious man, postponed action on the bill, which could be revised in time for this week’s Cabinet meeting. Almost no one doubts that the bill ultimately will become law. But even the fact that it could be temporarily blocked was a sign of the strength of the opposition, which last week also pushed through an amendment to the penal code that would punish journalists with jail sentences if they “abuse” the new press-freedom law by writing articles too critical of the regime.