Cyprus: Anger Again

Turkey has long since learned that the bestway to advertise the plight of the Turkish minority on Cyprus is tomove a large number of soldiers into the port of Iskenderun, send outsome ships on “patrol,” and arrange for someone to make an inflammatoryspeech in Ankara. Invariably, the result is panicky fear of a Cyprusinvasion that brings mobilization by the Greeks on Cyprus and a suddenfeverish burst of diplomatic energy in every major capital in the West.Just such a fright last week caused Cypriot President ArchbishopMakarios to call out his 30,000-man Home Guard, sent NATO SupremeAllied Commander in Europe General Lyman Lemnitzer scurrying off toAnkara, and even brought President Lyndon Johnson into the fray.

“Final” Decision. This time, the Turks were calling attention to thehelplessness of Turkish Cypriots in the wake of Makarios’ recentdecision to call up all youths between the ages of 19 and 21 formilitary service, and more ominously, his open threat to beginimporting heavy weapons, probably from the Soviet Union or the U.A.R.Early last week, Turkish Cypriot Fazil Kuchuk, who is technically VicePresident of Cyprus but no longer even dares to go to his office inNicosia’s Greek sector, proposed that he and Makarios hold a conferenceon “the Green Line,” the heavily guarded border separating Greeks fromTurks. Makarios flatly refused, and throughout the island Turkishtempers flared. On the mainland, Iskenderun was suddenly alive withtroops, and Turkey’s Premier Ismet Inönü went on the radio withelectric words: “Our decision is final. We have to provide anunshakable security for the future of the Cypriot Turks.”

Within hours, Lemnitzer was huddling anxiously with Turkey’s topsoldiers, urging moderation. Nervous at the possibility of a war thatwould set NATO allies Greece and Turkey to fighting, Johnson hurriedlysent a personal message to Inönüurging that the Turkish leaderexercise moderation and come to the U.S. to discuss the whole Cyprusmess. Inönü declined because of “the pressure of current affairs,” buta Turkish spokesman made it known that the invasion threat was over”for the time being.”

Something in the Fiat. On Cyprus, the invasion scare only brieflydistracted the Greek Cypriots from another source of tension last week:a bitter squabble with the British that led Makarios’ men to demandthat London withdraw its 2,000 troops from the 7,000-man U.N.peace-keeping force on the island. Anger was triggered by the arrest afortnight ago of R.A.F. Senior Aircraftman Keith Marley, his wife andone-year-old baby near the town of Morphou, in northern Cyprus. Thefollowing day, Greek Cypriot Interior Minister Poly-karpos Georghadjisannounced that Marley had been carrying in his Fiat two mortars and twofrogmen suits. Claiming this to be evidence of British collusion withthe hated Turks, Georghadjis declared that “the British can no longerform a constructive element in the international peace-keeping force inCyprus.”

Proclaiming every Briton to be a potential gunrunner to the enemy, theGreeks last week began searching every British car they found on theroads. Soon the word got around: in the north-coast port of Kyrenia, amob stoned the British-owned Harbour Club. In Nicosia, 3,000 Greekschoolchildren marched through town shouting “British go home!”

Britain was of a mind to do just that. In London, British CommonwealthSecretary Duncan Sandys was cheered when he rose in the House ofCommons to insist that “while they are performing this thankless task,we feel that our troops and their families have a right to be treatedwith courtesy by those who so readily accepted our offer to come totheir aid.” On June 27, Britain’s present commitment to the U.N. forcewill end. Whether it will be renewed, Sandys hinted, is open toquestion.