The effect of Poland’s assertion of independence echoed through the satellites despite the gingerly coverage by satellite radio stations. But the most curious reception was in Tito’s Yugoslavia. There, old hands at this kind of intrigue took careful note of the appearance of Molotov and
Kaganovich in Warsaw beside Khrushchev and Mikoyan, and of the fact that the Red army, obviously concerned about its supply line to East Germany, was backing Khrushchev. Whatever differences there were in the top Soviet leadership, the Kremlin men apparently felt the need of standing together now. While developments in Poland bore out Tito’s forecast that the “democratization” movement in the satellites could not be halted, one of his top aides expressed the opinion that “sudden changes can be dangerous.” Some Yugoslavs thought the time had come for President Tito to make clear at long last just where he himself stood in relation to Khrushchev.
Of late. Khrushchev’s method of meeting demands for “democratization” in lesser satellites has been to urge them to clear their programs with the cautious Tito. Delegations from the Communist Parties of Bulgaria, Rumania, Hungary have checked in at Belgrade during the last two weeks. A delegation from East Germany is expected. But in Czechoslovakia, sensitive neighbor to Poland, Khrushchev decided on direct intervention. To head off a Polish-type independence move there, a 13-man Soviet delegation, led by one of Comrade Khrushchev’s top aides, arrived in Prague last week to “study the life and work of the Czechoslovak party,” i.e., to make sure Moscow kept control of the secret police.
The most critical area for Khrushchev outside of Poland is Communist Hungary, where a wave of unrest has swept through the universities and schools. Students have been demanding an end to Russian language classes and compulsory courses in Marxism, more freedom and better living conditions. At one university last week 3,000 students quit their Communist youth organization to form an independent group. As in Poland, local Communist organizations appeared to be behind some of the student agitation, though cautioning them against street demonstrations. At this precarious moment, appropriately, Hungary’s new party boss, Erno Gero, turned up in Belgrade to seek Comrade Tito’s advice.
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