AUSTRIA: Mission to Moscow

“Austria will be free,” Chancellor Julius Raab triumphantly telephoned back from Moscow to Vienna. “We get back our homeland in its entirety. The war prisoners and other prisoners will see their fatherland again.” The Austrian state radio burst into Strauss waltzes and victory marches. The little band of Austrians headed by Raab himself had had little reason to hope for such success when they took off for Moscow last week. For ten long years, and through close to 400 negotiating sessions, the Russians had blocked every Western move to end the occupation of the country which they had promised, as far back as 1943, to treat as a “liberated” country, entitled to be “free and independent.” Molotov at Berlin last year bluntly said no even when Austria and the three Western occupying powers agreed to accept all Soviet conditions. Soviet forces must remain in Austria, Molotov hastily insisted, until a German peace treaty was signed. But a few months ago Russia abruptly changed its tune, suggested that Raab come to Moscow to talk things over. Shining Sun. It was snowing on the Moscow airport. Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov remarked to a Western diplomat that he had hoped for better weather to greet the Austrians. Said the diplomat: “In these cases, Mr. Minister, the weather that matters is the weather you find when you leave.” Interjected Deputy Prime Minister Anastas Mikoyan: “You can be sure the sun will be shining when they leave.” The sun of Soviet officialdom beamed from the moment the Austrian plane touched down. The Austrians were wined, dined and feted, and the bonhomie spilled over in all directions. At a reception given by Molotov, U.S. Ambassador Charles Bohlen offered a toast to the speedy restoration of Austria’s independence; Molotov declared it a good toast, and drank. So did Premier Nikolai Bulganin. Austrian Foreign Minister Leopold Figl boldly proposed one “to the end of the occupation of Austria—ten years is long enough.” Without blinking an eye, the Russians drank to that one, too. The Austrians reported fully on every step to the ambassadors of the Western Big Three. Raab has long been willing to concede more to the Russians, for the sake of independence, than his Western friends were willing to have him concede, and after every bargaining session, the Western ambassadors inspected the Austrians carefully to be sure they had not inadvertently lost their shirts. But the Russians seemed full of nothing but good will. The visit ended with a long and bibulous dinner in the Kremlin, given by Premier Bulganin himself, and Chancellor Raab, unable to contain himself until he got back, happily telephoned his good news to his People’s Party headquarters in Vienna. Promise & Price. In those four hectic days, the Russians briskly disposed of all obstacles they themselves had raised in ten years. They made real concessions. The big one: agreement that all occupation troops be withdrawn immediately after the state treaty is signed, “and in any case not later than Dec. 31, 1955.”

They also agreed to: ¶Return the oilfields and refineries of eastern Austria, in exchange for 1,000,000 tons of oil annually for the next ten years. The Russians have taken 17 million tons of oil from these fields since the war.¶Accept $150 million in goods (instead of dollars) as the price for returning the 300 factories they seized as former Nazi properties. ¶Return, “for proper recompense,” the Danube Shipping Co., its shipyards, docks, vessels and port installations. ¶”Consider favorably” the return of about 450 Austrian civilians serving sentences in Russia and some 350 prisoners of war. Promised the communique: “After the withdrawal of the Soviet occupation troops from Austria, not a single military prisoner or detained civilian person of Austrian citizenship will remain on the territory of the Soviet Union.” The price: Raab’s pledge that Austria “intends not to join any military alliance or permit military bases on her territory, and will pursue a policy of independence in regard to all states.” The Russians left one reservation dangling: they demanded that Austria ask for a four-power guarantee to defend Austria against any new attempt at Anschluss by Germany. Rising to the Bait. Germany was obviously what was most on Russia’s mind. Pravda spelled it out: “Austria should now have the same position as Switzerland. The creation of such a new and stable international position for Austria . . . marks an important step along the path of strengthening peace in Europe … This cannot be ignored by certain other European peoples, and particularly, by the German people.” Though too late to block ratification of the Paris accords, the Russians still had a chance to prevent any German from shouldering a rifle. Some 150 separate bills will have to be passed by a hesitant West German Parliament before West Germany can arm and participate in Western defense. German Socialists, who would be willing to promise their country’s neutrality for a Russian promise of German unity, rose to the bait. Could they get the same terms? But Austria is not Germany. For one thing, observed one of Chancellor Adenauer’s advisers dourly, “the political and military mass of Austria is not critical.” The Austrian occupation has never been comparable to the division of Germany. A government was elected in free, nationwide elections in 1945. Even in the Russian zone, the Russians have not clamped on the controls that they have inflicted on East Germany, and Austrians roam freely about their own country without regard for zone boundaries. The Austrian government passes laws for the whole country. Even in the Russian zone, the Communists have polled no more than 5% of the votes, and they have not had a minister in the government since 1948. Vienna, a four-power island in the Russian zone, is patrolled by “four-men-in-a-jeep” units. Settlement of the state treaty will mean the withdrawal of 45,000 Russian troops, but the British and French garrisons now number fewer than 1,000 troops apiece. In many ways, the most seriously affected will be the U.S. It will have to abandon its big base at Salzburg, representing millions in investment (and also millions in income for the Austrians), and withdraw its 15,000 U.S. troops. For Austria, there may yet be a catch in the clause which would presumably allow the Russians to march back on the pretext that Germany was threatening an Anschluss. But in the joy of the moment, such considerations were ignored. Thousands of Austrians flocked to the airport to welcome the triumphant travelers. For the first time since Hitler marched in in 1938, Austria was within sight of a time without a foreign soldier on its soil. Cheering crowds lined the 20-mile route to Vienna, crowded the square outside the chancellery. Twice, Raab had to come out and speak. Some in the crowd wept, and Chancellor Raab’s voice broke with emotion. “I must thank the Lord God that we have been able to experience this hour for Austria,” he said.