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GERMANY: War at Home

4 minute read
TIME

Adolf Hitler declared war against Russia for two reasons. One was strategic (see p. 22), the other domestic. As the new campaign began Gestapo Chief Heinrich Himmler submitted a report on Communist espionage and sabotage, designed to convince Germans and the world that Germany’s internal troubles were inspired by Moscow. Truth was that, although Moscow doubtless did stir up some unrest, Germany was rumbling with spontaneous discontent. From one of TIME’S correspondents, until recently in Germany, came these facts:

> Germany is now a military dictatorship and Nazi Party leaders are disappearing. Labor Front Leader Robert Ley knows he is through. Propaganda Chief Paul Joseph Goebbels has been given a chance to show he can cooperate with the new setup, but minor Party leaders are being liquidated. Karl Boemer, head of the Press Section of the Propaganda Ministry and spokesman for the Government at the Propaganda Ministry’s press conferences, disappeared about three weeks ago. The day after the Hess flight police rounded up 20 truckloads of men in north Berlin. Many of them were in Storm Trooper uniforms and were being kicked by the Gestapo as they got on the truck.

> Adolf Hitler has lost contact with his people. No one but the Generals makes suggestions to the great dictator any more; he has made it known that he does not like advice. High officials have a difficult time even getting to see Hitler. Sometimes it takes weeks for them to get in to see him on highly important matters; when they succeed, Hitler uses them as an audience to rant at. Hitler is sure every German man and woman is fanatically behind him and his Greater Germany. No one would dare to suggest otherwise or bring to his attention the signs of discontent among the people.

> The people are discontented over: 1) belt-tightening; 2) long working hours; 3) the war. Often when Hitler makes a speech to a massed group of cheering factory workers, he speaks, although he does not know it, to minor Party leaders recruited from other factories; most of the workers have been given a half holiday. Almost every morning last winter and spring such slogans as “Long Live Churchill,” “The Red Front Will Win,” “Down with the Murderer Hitler” were found painted on Berlin’s buildings.

> Rudolf Hess knew of Germany’s discontent better than anyone else, for to him were delivered the official reports on civilian morale—the final tabulation of Germany’s equivalent of the Gallup Poll. German demands on Russia were made known to the Russian Government three days before Hess’s flight to England. That flight was his own individual project.

Hess wanted to urge the British to sue for peace with Germany immediately. He wanted to warn the British that if Russia accepted the German demands, the German military machine was prepared to wage an all-out war on Britain and its Empire, with the probable invasion of the British Isles this summer, at least an all-out destruction of communications, factories, shipping and harbor facilities. He wanted to convince the British that if Russia accepted the German demands, it would result in a virtual fighting alliance between Russia and Germany against the English-speaking and anti-Communistic world—an alliance which would destroy both.

Hess was sure that if Russia refused the German demands Germany would declare war on Russia. In that event, he feared, if the British Empire and the U.S. continued warring on Germany from the west, Germany would bog down in Russia. And that, he thought, would also bring Communism to Europe.

Hess’s mistake was in believing Britain feared Communism more than Britain feared Germany.

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