• U.S.

National Affairs: We Are Not Yielding …

3 minute read
TIME

The Senate and the House were restive. From the White House had come word that the President would send an important message to Congress at 11:30 a.m. The time was postponed to noon, postponed again to 12:30, then to 1 p.m. Fantastic rumors flew about the Capitol: that the U.S. was declaring war on Germany, that a battle had already been fought at sea. . . .

At last the message came. At 1:51, in both chambers, clerks started to read the President’s message.

Seven minutes later, they had finished.

Ringing Words. It was a message fairly bristling with indignant phrases, condemning the German Government in scornful terms for last month’s “ruthless sinking” of the freighter Robin Moor. The President spoke of “‘the act of an international outlaw . . . policy of frightfulness and intimidation . . . conquest based upon lawlessness and terror on land and piracy on the sea. . . .” But the message did not call for a declaration of war. It did not call for any specific action.

Specifically, the President protested three violations of international law in the Robin Moor incident: 1) “The submarine did not display its flag,” nor did the commander announce its nationality; 2) the ship was sunk “without provision for the safety of the passengers and crew”; 3) it was sunk “despite the fact that its American nationality was admittedly known . . . and . . . clearly indicated.”

Said President Roosevelt: “Full reparation for the losses and damages suffered by American nationals will be expected from the German Government.” Denouncing “the methods of terrorism . . . employed by the present leaders of the German Reich,” the President said that the U.S. “will neither be intimidated nor will it acquiesce” in Hitler’s plan to dominate the world. “We are not yielding,” said Franklin Roosevelt, “and we do not propose to yield.”

Freedom of the Seas. There was a moment’s stillness in the House and Senate. Then, from the Democratic side, came a subdued burst of applause. The Republican side kept silent. They had heard ringing words—words that recalled the messages of Woodrow Wilson in 1917. But they had expected something more. For once Franklin Roosevelt had clearly given his opinion to Congress without demanding action or a rubber stamp, and Congress was surprised, if not disappointed.

But Congress had been consulted. If the time comes soon when the President asks for repeal or amendment of the Neutrality Act in order to arm U.S. merchant ships,* Congress will have had a chance to ponder the issue. For the President had made it plain that it was not simply a matter of delivering goods to Britain and Britain’s colonies. It was a question of keeping the world’s sea lanes open for the passage of such raw materials as rubber and tin, which are essential to U.S. defense. Many a Congressman who had thought the historic U.S. policy of “the freedom of the seas” was just a phrase of Woodrow Wilson’s saw the light last week after the President’s message.

Soon Under Secretary of State Sumner Welles, acting for the President, sent a copy of the message—scornful words and all—to Dr. Hans Thomsen, Germany’s Chargé d’Affaires in Washington. Added Mr. Welles, polite as always: “Accept, sir, the renewed assurance of my high consideration. . . .”

* In 1917 Woodrow Wilson armed merchant ships without Congress’ permission, after Congress refused to pass a law authorizing him to do so. But at that time there was no Neutrality Act.

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