The Belgian people saw their handsome young King Leopold III emerge decisively last week from his grief-stricken brooding over the death of his beloved Queen Astrid (TIME. Sept. 9, 1935) and strike a heavy blow of statecraft which resounded from one end of Europe to the other. To the neat, bright Royal Palace in Brussels were summoned Premier-Professor Paul van Zeeland and Cabinet to hear an historic declaration reversing the post-War foreign policy of Belgium. By boldly assuming full responsibility for what he said, His Majesty raised his declaration above the cockpit of party politics, placed it on the aloof pedestal of a Throne which every Belgian deeply respects. It was significant that next day newsorgans of all Belgian parties except the Communist echoed warm approval, and the harassed Europe of 1936 received a striking example of how leadership can be exercised by a genuinely popular King.
Since the Treaty of Versailles was signed, the Kingdom of the Belgians has relied not on its ancient neutrality but upon the League of Nations, the Locarno Pact and more especially upon the British and the French for protection against an other onslaught. In recent months the British have not only winked at German violations of the Treaty of Versailles but have compounded with Adolf Hitler by signing an Anglo-German Treaty authorizing Berlin to build a potent Reich Navy (TIME, June 24, 1935). Neither the British nor the French replied with force — the only language the Nazis under stand — when the Rhineland was remilitarized by Dictator Hitler in flagrant violation of the particularly sacred “Spirit of Locarno” (TIME, March 16). Finally Catholic King Leopold, whose sister may one day be the Queen of Catholic Italy, has found that the Franco-Belgian Alliance of 1920 has now become an alliance of Belgium with a French Government composed of radicals, led by a Jewish Premier and bound by a treaty of alliance with Soviet Russia. This array of ominous facts was in the back of every Belgian subject’s mind as he read the words of his King.
Outside Quarrels. Plainly referring to the Franco-Belgian alliance which his royal words served virtually to disrupt last week, His Majesty said: “Any unilateral policy weakens our position abroad and excites, rightly or wrongly, a division at home. An alliance, even if it is purely defensive, does not achieve its purpose because, however prompt might be the aid from our ally, it would come only after an onslaught by an invading army which would be devastating. In any event, we should have to struggle single-handed against that onslaught.
“That is why we must follow a policy exclusively and entirely Belgian. The policy must aim solely at placing us outside the quarrels of our neighbors. It corresponds to our national ideal. It can be maintained by a reasonable military and financial effort, and it would command the support of all the Belgians, who are inspired by an intense and basic desire for peace.
“Let those who doubt the feasibility of such a policy consider the proud and resolute example of The Netherlands and Switzerland. Let them recall how decisively Belgium’s observance of the status of neutrality weighed in our favor and in favor of the Allies during the War and during the settling of accounts which followed. Our moral position would have been much weaker at home and the world would not have afforded to us the same sympathy if the invader had been enabled to advance as an argument an alliance between Belgium and one of its neighbors.
“Our military policy, as well as our foreign policy, must be designed, not to prepare for a war, more or less victorious, as the result of a coalition but to keep war from our territory. The reoccupation of the Rhineland, by ending the Locarno arrangement, has almost brought us back to our international position before the War. “Our geographical situation enjoins it upon us to maintain a military establishment in order to dissuade any one of our neighbors from borrowing our territory to use in attacking another state. By fulfilling this mission Belgium renders a supreme service to the peace of Western Europe and thereby creates an ipso facto right for itself to the respect and eventual assistance of all states which have an interest in that peace.”
Reactions. All this was so crystal clear, prudent and decisive that explanatory comment seemed unnecessary, except to emphasize that King Leopold had shown himself keenly alive to the fact that Russia, if attacked by Germany, will call on her ally France for aid. and that in such an event, France would have called on her ally Belgium. This call, it is now clear. Belgium wall not answer.
Rejoiced famed onetime Belgian Premier Henri Jaspar: “We are not anybody’s satellite, we are not anybody’s brilliant second and we do not intend to participate in any crusade either against Communist or against Fascism!”
“The Netherlands practices the same policy that Belgium is now adopting,” approved the Belgian-Flemish organ Het Laatste Nieuws, and the Belgian-French Nation Beige declared with relief “Belgium has feared she would be drawn into a war fought for the benefit of the Soviets.”
In London ministers of the Crown maintained their usual reticence, but the Rt. Hon. Winston Churchill told his Epping Forest constituents that: “Britain has suffered a serious disadvantage. . . . The warning we shall have of air attacks (i.e., by German planes passing over Belgium to bomb Britain)* will be greatly reduced and so, alas, will be the deterrent effect of our potential retaliation.”
In Paris the Right press improved its obvious opportunity to attack the Left and Premier Blum for maintaining a Moscow-Paris tie-up tending to alienate from France her Belgian ally. “He who lives by Communism shall perish by Communism!” cried Figaro. “French diplomatic influence in Europe is paying for its complaisance toward the Communists.”
Longer Line? In great agitation luckless French Foreign Minister Yvon Delbos, an amateur at diplomacy who only learned of King Leopold’s declaration when he read it in the newspapers, went into a huddle with Premier Blum, Defense Minister Daladier and General Gamelin, the French chief-of-staff. In an effort to gain time, M. Delbos presently dispatched to Brussels five questions as to the Belgian Cabinet’s intentions, and obtained lukewarm assurances from Belgian Foreign Minister Spaak that existing Franco-Belgian staff consultations will not be disturbed. It appeared, however, that the French General Staff must thoroughly overhaul its plans and that possibly France may have to extend her $300,000,000 Maginot Line defenses (which now stretch from Switzerland to Luxemburg) clear across to the Straits of Dover.
In sum, King Leopold III candidly faced Europe last week with the fact that its entire post-War structure of pacts and apparatus to keep Peace has now virtually collapsed. Spunky little Belgium thinks that her only chance is to stand fearlessly neutral, as she did in 1914, but this time better prepared to fight. The Flemish element among King Leopold’s subjects have always considered that his father, King Albert, was a fool for not selling to Kaiser Wilhelm II at a stiff price the right to let German troops peaceably cross Belgium to attack France. Whether His Majesty in any way now shares this view was entirely undisclosed last week, but in Antwerp especially pleased Flemings opined with widest smiles on their broad faces, “Our new King is no fool !”
—Hitherto Lloyd’s have been writing insurance against war damage to property in Great Britain at the low premium of 1/5% of 1%, but last week Lloyd’s abruptly decided to write no more such insurance at any premium whatever.
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