CHINA: Hope in Chungking

Five weeks of meetings between Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek and Communist Leader Mao Tse-tung had been cloaked in profound official silence. But Chungking buzzed with expectation—and hope.

The omens were propitious. First, the influential Kuomintang newspaper Ta Kung Pao reported that agreement had been reached on two fundamental points: 1) the Kuomintang and Communist Par ties would cooperate on an equal footing in the reconstruction of China under Chiang’s leadership; 2) all political and non-political groups would confer on participation in the Central Government.

A day later Mao himself, smiling and assured, emerged to answer a correspond ent’s questions. He said carefully: “I am confident of the outcome of the negotiations. . . . The Chinese Communist Party is prepared to make important concessions. . . . I believe that . . . an agreement, not temporary in character but one which will ensure long-term peaceful reconstruction, will emerge.” Mao refused to contemplate deadlock and bloody civil war. He declared emphatically: “I do not believe that the negotiations could break down. Under whatever condition, the Chi nese Communist Party will persist in a policy of avoiding civil war. There may be difficulties, but they will be overcome.”

“Unity In China.” Then came the strongest pronouncement yet. No longer hinting, but flatly telling, Radio Moscow proclaimed that Chiang and Mao had reached agreement, added that “a complete central unified government will be created for the whole of China.” Moscow gave no details, but asserted that the new government would have wider political representation, that “an early election will be held throughout China.” China’s armed forces, added Moscow, would be demobilized. The broadcast, attributing much credit to the recent Sino-Russian treaty (TIME, Aug. 27), ended with the categorical statement: “. . . Unity in China has been established.”

At week’s end Chungking gave substantial confirmation to Ta Kung Pao’s report. Differences still outstanding between the Parties will be submitted to a new, fully representative political council to meet soon under the chairmanship of the Generalissimo. For its part, the Central Government has agreed to release political prisoners, grant freedom of speech, curb the activities of the Chinese special police. The remaining differences were too important to be taken lightly. Among them: the size and control of the Communist Army, administration of the Communist areas, the Communist request to postpone the Constitutional Convention slated to meet on Nov. 12.

But the pressure for agreement was heavy on both sides. China’s treaty with Russia had stabilized her external relations; agreement with Communist China would restore her internal equilibrium. Russia was preoccupied with pressing European matters, also needed time to reabsorb her Asiatic conquests. At the very least, the Moscow broadcast bespoke a willingness to agree that Mao could hardly ignore.