SPAIN: Azana’s Fall

From the ministerial bench of Spain’s Cortes, chunky, gap-toothed Premier Manuel Azana has for two years led his Socialist Coalition Government in a rapid renovation of Spain’s semifeudal society, steeped in piety, vised by the landowners. He was determined that no one should stop him until he had accomplished two things: 1) the substitution of non-sectarian schools for the Catholic Church schools that have taught Spaniards all they know for half a millennium; 2) the dispossession of the great grandee landowners. His great weapon is the Socialist labor unions of 1,000,000 well-organized men, ready to strike at the drop of Premier Azana’s floppy black hat.

On the way to his two objectives, both well begun by last week, Azana made many enemies. He lost the support of some of the Radical Socialists. His insistence on expropriating Church properties by Oct. 1 jolted President Niceto Alcala Zamora, a pious Catholic, who wept when he signed the Law of Religious Congregations (TIME, June 12). One of Spain’s richest men, Tobacco Tycoon Juan March has remained in jail for a year without trial. From his cell he directed all of his wealth and power against Azana. He bought control of the entire Madrid Press, hurled a barrage of shrewd criticism and abuse. But Azana’s most dangerous Opposition was the Centre body of the original “historical” Republican parties, who were fighting the monarchy while Azana was still an unknown novelist and debating society spieler. Chief of these is the ill-named Radical Party (actually conservative) headed by Don Alejandro Lerroux, the Bryanesque idealist who withdrew from Azana’s Cabinet soon after the Revolution protesting that the Socialists were “having things too much their way.” Lerroux did not want the monarchy back; neither did he want the virtual dictatorship that the Socialists gave Premier Azana. He just wanted to goslow. Last week Azana’s enemies broke his conquering stride. Spaniards went to the polls to elect regional representatives to the new Tribunal of Constitutional Guarantees, the supreme body which will judge the work of the Cortes, the President and the Cabinet as it affects the Constitution. They elected 13 Government candidates, eleven Monarchists and four Republican Oppositionists—15 to 13 against the Government. Strangest of all, they overwhelmingly voted into office rich Juan March, a political unknown, who is not personally very popular. At the same time the countrymen showed Azana they knew how to strike against him. A general strike was called in northern Spain and 32,000 miners in Asturias walked out. At a Cabinet meeting last week President Alcala Zamora asked Premier Azana three blunt questions: “Do you believe that the Government majority is being broken up?” “No.” “Does the continuation of this Government facilitate or impede the coalition of the Republican electorate?” “Facilitate.” “Do you think this Government is the best one to handle the forthcoming municipal elections?” “Yes.” President Alcala Zamora then demanded an immediate “definite solution of these problems.” After long deliberation the Cabinet agreed Premier Azana had not given and could not give the right answers. President Alcala Zamora decided that he could no longer give Azana his confidence. Azana & Cabinet at last had to resign. For the new Premier, the President turned naturally to white-mustached old Alejandro Lerroux, the man who had fought King Alfonso with brave and ineffective gentlemanliness for nearly half a century and won Alfonso’s grudging admission, “Por Dios, we must admit that he is a gallo fino” [fighting cock]. President Alcala Zamora told Lerroux that he could not dissolve the Cortes, which must pass the budget by Oct. 1 according to the Constitution. He hinted that early elections would be a good idea. Don Alejandro accepted the charge, went to work to form a Cabinet. He had friends. Spain’s famed philosopher and political torch-waver, Miguel de Unamuno. had urged President Alcala Zamora to appoint him. From his cell in the ancient university town of Alcala de Hinares, outside Madrid, rich Senor March gloated: “I am not much interested in politics, but one thing I can tell you: if those people [the Socialists] don’t go, the Republic must. They have increased expenses 1,500,000,000 pesetas [$289,425,000 at par] annually. A Lerroux Government will be the salvation of Spain.” Amiable, old Alejandro Lerroux was soon as busy as a peglegged sheep herder. His chief trouble was that, though the country might be increasingly conservative, the Cortes, from which he must pick his men, still has a Socialist-Azana majority. From his friends, don Alejandro lined up onetime Ambassador to the U. S. Salvador de Madariaga for Secretary of State; General Quiepo del Llano for Secretary of War; Augustin Vinuales, Secretary of the Treasury; Botella Asensi, Public Works. There he stopped, dangling tempting bait before Philosopher José Ortega y Gasset, who was in no hurry to accept.

Badgerlike Manuel Azana, still the ablest politician in Spain, bided his time, knowing that every day’s delay increased his chances to return to power, as it had in a similar crisis last spring. Meanwhile he was trying to force responsibility where it would do the most harm: onto President Alcala Zamora. That gentleman, faced with his last chance to modify the church laws that he and his domineering plu-pious wife so hate, retired again & again to Church to pray, hear Mass, give alms.