I Am Not in Doubt

I am concerned about world opinion, but I am also concerned about the lives of our soldiers. No army will fail to defend the lives of its soldiers. We are on our way out. Why the hell are they shooting at the backs of our soldiers? The cynicism was brought to an all-time high by (the anti-Israeli statements of Lebanese President) Amin Gemayel. We helped the Gemayel family, we helped the Christians unconditionally when they were in difficulty.

On future withdrawal plans. We are already preparing ourselves to defend the northern part of Israel from Israeli territory. We shall maintain a mobile defense. No serious Israeli ever suggested that we should remain in Lebanon forever. Also, our presence in Lebanon has not made it a more balanced country. It is becoming more and more Shi’ite, and the Shi’ites are becoming more and more militant.

On conflicts within his Cabinet over the withdrawal policy. In English, one says, ‘When in doubt, leave out.’ What can I tell you? I am not in doubt.

On Israel’s economic problems. We cut a billion and a half dollars in real terms from a budget that was extremely difficult to cut. It was a terrible year, like a drought, but what could I do? I felt if we cut too much we would lose the people’s confidence. But I think that within a year the economy will have recovered. In my heart I don’t want to do what some of the European countries have done, and that is to go into deep unemployment. I prefer to spread the burden more equally.

On the Hussein-Arafat agreement. We cannot accept that the P.L.O. will % become a party to the negotiations. I have been asked, ‘Don’t you have terrorists in Israel?’ Yes, we have people who were terrorists. We don’t have people who are terrorists. If somebody is a terrorist, we put him in prison. The P.L.O. is still engaged in terror. Shooting and talking don’t go together.

On Arab intentions. I think the Egyptians would like to have a comprehensive peace, and they would like to see the whole Middle East moving toward peace. The Jordanians, basically, also. The P.L.O. too. All of them–maybe like all of us–are prisoners of past worries, prejudices and superstitions. The Egyptians feel that for the time being the political-negotiations camp may consist of themselves and the Jordanians; they also say the Iraqis and the Algerians, and the Palestinians. Nobody is mentioning Syria. It heads the camp of belligerence and refusal. So let it be where it is. On the Arab side, they say, ‘O.K., maybe there are people who are not members of the P.L.O. who can participate in delegations, yet represent the same approach as the P.L.O.’ I think it would be wrong on my side to suggest to the Arabs how they should compose their delegation.

On the need for a settlement. Peace is a must for us and a must for the Arabs. Whoever looks at modern technology and at the results of past wars should come to the only sane conclusion–which is to solve the problems diplomatically and peacefully. Even if someone tells me, ‘Look, your chances are very dim,’ I wouldn’t change my conviction or my optimism. If you lose optimism, you’re out of business.

After six months as head of Israel’s national unity government, Prime Minister Shimon Peres, 6l, has a good deal to be proud of. He has initiated Israel’s withdrawal from Lebanon, improved relations with Egypt and cut the monthly inflation rate from 24.3% last October to 5.3% in January. In defusing political tensions in Israel, he has worked closely with his coalition partner (and Foreign Minister), Likud Leader Yitzhak Shamir, with whom he is scheduled to exchange jobs in November 1986. The result has been a sharp upturn in Peres’ personal popularity: a recent poll showed that he has the support of two-thirds of his countrymen. In the Tel Aviv offices of his Labor Party, Peres outlined some of his views last week for TIME Jerusalem Bureau Chief Roland Flamini and Reporter Robert Slater. Excerpts from the interview: