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EGYPT: Shots and Repercussions

11 minute read
TIME

The Crime. Across the main street leading up to the Kas Durelain in Cairo, Egypt’s capital, a street car passed. An automobile flying a small Union Jack drew up: it was the car of Major General Sir Lee Oliver Fitzmaurice Stack, Governor General of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and Sirdar (British Commander-in-Chief) of the Egyptian Army.

The next minute, seven Egyptian students wearing effendi dress drew their revolvers and riddled the car with bullets. Sir Lee Stack fell to the bottom of the automobile mortally wounded; he had been hit in the stomach, hand, foot. Captain P. K. Campbell, aide-de-camp, was slightly wounded in the chest; and the chauffeur, an Englishman, was hit in the leg.

The chauffeur hurriedly put the shattered car into “third” and made off for the Residency, official home of His Excellency Field Marshal Viscount Allenby, British High Commissioner for Egypt and the Sudan.

Meanwhile, the students had fled from the scene of their crime, pursued ineffectually by two Englishmen mounted on motor cycles. An unexploded Mills bomb was later found on the spot where the car had stopped—a spot where two years previously two Englishmen were similarly murdered. Several suspects were later arrested.

Half an hour later, all Cairo echoed with the news of the attempted assassination. Premier Saad Zaghlul Pasha hurried to the Residency and expressed his deepest regrets and profoundest horror. King Fuad dispatched his Grand Chamberlain to offer his sympathy and regrets. On all sides, obviously sincere horror at the crime was evinced.

In London. An ominous silence prevailed in London. Closeted in No. 10 Downing Street, Premier Baldwin and his Cabinet conferred behind closed doors. On the street, bedraggled urchins sold newspapers to the tune of “extra.” An editorial writer of the London Times wrote: ” The Egyptian Government must be taught that the practice of pandering to extremist influence for the sake of political advantage, which they have hitherto pursued, can no longer be tolerated. This is no case for a leisurely exchange of diplomatic notes and replies. It is a case for immediate and for energetic action. Apologies and honorary satisfaction will, of course, be demanded and will, of course, be forthcoming; but something more is required in our interests and in the interests of Egypt.

“They have deliberately and systematically created the frame of mind of which violence and murder are the natural result. Very likely most of them did not desire the end; but they desired the means from which the end inevitably follows. They did not preach murder, but they preached the premises of which murder is the consequence. In Parliament, in the press and in the public speeches, they inculcated hatred of England. They taught that her claims were unjust, that she was the oppressor of Egypt and that all forms of resistance to her would be right and praiseworthy, were they but possible.”

In Cairo, King Fuad received Lord Allenby in audience, later issued a proclamation: “

The odious crime perpetrated upon the faithful Sirdar of my Army has profoundly affected me as well as all the members of my Government. I deeply regret that such a mishap should have befallen a high official of my Army, a man celebrated for his chivalrous character, high courage and great qualities, who has rendered such signal services to the Army.

“I communicate my very deepest regrets to all the officers and men of my Army. May the Almighty grant his immediate recovery and the best health.”

Premier Zaghlul reiterated King Fuad’s feelings of horror at the perpetration of a crime that he branded as inimical to the best interests of Egyptian independence.

In the air, lying between the Residency at Cairo and Downing Street, a stream of dots and dashes spelt enigmatical words which were decoded rapidly by experts. Lord Allenby, rigid, hard, unflinching disciplinarian, was making demands and recommendations; the Cabinet was considering them. Then came a telegram: “Sir Lee Stack died tonight at midnight.” Next morning a code message sped to Egypt; it was a British ultimatum.

The Funeral. The same afternoon, the body of Sir Lee Stack was laid to rest with impressive ceremony.

Tremendous crowds lined the streets as troops advanced along them to the doleful strains of the Dead March, their rifles reversed, their legs doing a slow, rhythmic, painful imitation of the goosestep. The sombre field-grey gun-carriage, bedecked with floral tributes, came next, bearing its coffin shrouded in a Union Jack. Behind came the mourners—Lady Stack, Lord Allenby, Lady Allenby, Captain Campbell, Premier Zaghlul, onetime Premier Herbert H. Asquith (on a visit to Egypt), all the members of the Egyptian Cabinet, all the diplomatic representatives. Overhead a squadron of airplanes mournfully circled. At several points, guns belched forth a major-general’s salute.

After the funeral ceremony, Lord Allenby, attired in a lounge suit, left the Residency in an automobile, which was followed by a troop of cavalry. His square-set jaw announced to those who saw him that he meant business; and those who had served with him in Palestine knew that when Lord Allenby means business something happens.

The cavalcade made its way to the Government building. Assembled troops gave a royal salute, a band rapped out the strident music of God Save the King, the sun caught the flash of swords as the cavalry saluted King George’s representative in Egypt.

Britain’s Ultimatum. Inside Parliament, Premier Zaghlul Pasha, aged, worn, anxious, received the British High Commission which then read a 24-hour British ultimatum. The deep voice of Allenby boomed forth:

“His Majesty’s Government con siders this murder, which holds up Egypt as at present governed to the contempt of civilized peoples, is the natural outcome of a campaign of hostility to British rights and British subjects in Egypt and the Sudan, founded upon a heedless ingratitude for benefits conferred by Great Britain, not discouraged by your Excellency’s Government and fomented by organizations in close contact with that Government.

“Your Excellency was warned by his Majesty’s Government, a little more than a month ago, of the con sequences of failing to stop this cam paign, more particularly as it concerned the Sudan. It has not been stopped. The Egyptian Government has now allowed the Governor General of the Sudan to be murdered and has proved it is incapable or unwilling to protect foreign lives.

“His Majesty’s Government, therefore, requires that the Egyptian Government shall:

“Firstly: Present an ample apology for the crime;

“Secondly: Prosecute an inquiry into the authorship of the crime with the utmost energy and without respect of persons and bring the criminals, whoever they are and whatever their age, to condign punishment;

“Thirdly: Henceforth, forbid and vigorously suppress all popular political demonstrations;

“Fourthly: Pay forthwith to his Majesty’s Government a fine of £500,000.

“Fifthly: Order within 24 hours the withdrawal from the Sudan of all Egyptian officers and purely Egyptian units of the Egyptian Army, with such resulting changes as shall hereafter be specified.

“Sixthly: Notify the competent department that the Sudan Government will increase the area to be irrigated at Gezira— from the 300,000 feddansf to an unlimited figure, as the need may arise.

“Seventhly: Withdraw all opposition, in respects hereafter specified, to the wishes of His Majesty’s Government concerning protection of foreign interests in Egypt.

“Failing immediate compliance with the demands, His Majesty’s Government will at once take appropriate action to safeguard their interests in Egypt and the Sudan.”

Egypt’s Reply. The Egyptian Government after a night of heated agitation in Parliament delivered to the British Residency a reply to the ultimatum:

1) The required official apology would be made;

2) The criminals would be punished;

3) All demonstrations contrary to public order would be suppressed; and, if necessary, extra powers for this purpose would be asked from Parliament;

4) The fine of £500,000 would be paid;

But:

5) Attention was called to the fact that the new arrangement for the Egyptian Army in the Sudan was a violation of the status quo which the British Government had formerly supported and was also a violation of Egypt’s Constitution, under which King Fuad alone can dismiss officers.

6) The Gezira irrigation demands of the British Government were called premature.

7) The British Government was reminded that the situation in Egypt for foreigners is regulated by law and diplomatic agreement and cannot be modified without the intervention of Parliament.

Allenby’s Note. It took Lord Allenby exactly one hour and a half to read the note of the Egyptian Government, draft a reply and have it delivered to the Egyptian Foreign office. The note read:

“Sir, with reference to Your Excellency’s communication of today’s date, I have the honor to inform you that in view of the Egyptian Government’s refusal to comply with those requirements of His Majesty’s Government, number five and six of my communication of yesterday, instructions are being sent to the Sudan Government:

“Firstly, to effect the withdrawal from the Sudan of all Egyptian officers and purely Egyptian units of the Egyptian army with the specified changes resulting therefrom;

“Secondly, that they are at liberty to increase the area to be irrigated at Gezira from 300,000 feddans to an unlimited figure as the needs may arise.

“Your Excellency will learn in due course the action His Majesty’s Government is taking in view of your Excellency’s refusal to comply with requirement seven regarding protection of foreign interests in Egypt.

“I note that the Egyptian Government accepts, among other requirements,requirement four. His Majesty’s Government expects that the payment of the sum of £500,000 will be made to me before noon tomorrow.

“I avail myself of the opportunity to renew to Your Excellency the assurance of my high consideration.

(Signed) “ALLENBY”

Results. Fifteen minutes before noon the following day, the Egyptian Government handed to Lord Allenby the “fine” of £500,000 (about $2,300,000), which is to be used for educational and charitable purposes in the Sudan. The payment was accompanied by a protest against the British demand for the evacuation of the Sudan and for the withdrawal of all opposition to the British Government concerning protection of foreign interests.

Premier Zaghlul Pasha then re-signed with his Cabinet. King Fuad requested Ziwar Pasha, President of the Senate, to form a new Government. The appointment of Ziwar Pasha, a moderate and popular man, was expected to relieve the tense Egyptian situation.

Meanwhile, battleships and troops were rushed from Malta and Gibraltar by the British Government. And, for not accepting in toto his demands, Lord Allenby informed the Egyptian Government that orders had been given to British troops to occupy the Alexandria customs. The Egyptian Army began to leave the Sudan.

At Geneva, home of the League of Nations, Secretary General Sir Eric Drummond told why Egypt could not submit her case to arbitration: “Under the circumstances, Egypt cannot appeal to the League. Egypt is not a member and has not applied for admission. The Covenant provides that a third power can appeal to the League in behalf of a nonmember if the peace of the world is threatened. The handling of Egypt’s foreign affairs remains a domestic affair between Great Britain and Egypt. I do not think any outside power would attempt to submit the question to the League.”

Opportunism? In a famous speech at the Guildhall, Theodore Roosevelt once told Britain that as far as Egypt was concerned she must “govern or get out.” Earlier, on the occasion of his visit to Egypt and the Sudan in 1910, he had doubted that, in any part of the world, there was “a more striking instance than there was there [in the Sudan] of genuine progress achieved by the substitution of civilization for savagery.”

In the drastic ultimatum to Egypt, Britain made it evident that she intends to govern and stay in Egypt and prevent the Sudan from retrogressing into the savagery from which Lord Kitchener rescued it in 1898. The terms savor, some opinion has claimed, of opportunism. This may be true, but Britain had evidently reached the end of her patience. The murder of the Sirdar unfortunately precipitated a situation that was found, in any event, to be the inevitable corollary of organized propaganda against Britain in Egypt and the Sudan, which, despite warnings from Britain, has never been discouraged by the Egyptian Government.

But the strong action was some-thing more. It was an assertion of British supremacy in the East—a reminder to agitators within the Empire that their aims, no matter how just, cannot be achieved by means of inflammatory propaganda and assassinations.

* The Gezira irrigation area in the Sudan is a cause of hot dissension among the Egyptian Nationalists who assert that the waters of the Nile diverted for irrigation purposes will result in depriving Lower Egypt, a rich agricultural district, of a vital supply of water. Engineers have stated, however, that extension of the irrigation area would in no way interfere with the Nile water supply of Lower Egypt.

t A feddan is approximately an acre.

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