National Affairs: Booms

President Coolidge. When Arthur Brisbane came away from the White House luncheon table last week (see above), many an ear was enormously curious to hear what he had heard. Newsgatherers could not wait to read about it next day in the Brisbanal syndicate column. Had the President chosen this supereminent publicist, from whose pursed lips come editorial pearls, to confide an exegesis of the historic “do not choose” statement?

“No,” said Mr. Brisbane, who is himself an admirer of curt speech, “naturally not, since President Coolidge said all there was to in his extremely well chosen ‘I do not choose.'”

In his column next day, Mr. Brisbane wrote: “. . . Newspaper ‘boys’ wanted to know what the President said. The ‘boys’ are still arguing about the meaning of the six famous words—and that amuses the President. To him and those that know him, it is as though these boys*were discussing the meaning of ‘twice two are four.’ ”

Mr. Hughes. After a week in Washington, President Coolidge had apparently convinced others of “those that know him” that only a now invisible emergency would make him contemplate candidacy. Secretary Andrew W. Mellon, for example, went on record as being quite convinced. Despatches from Pittsburgh said that W. L. Mellon, the Secretary’s nephew and Republican State Chairman of Pennsylvania, had revealed a boom, with the Secretary at its centre, for Charles Evans Hughes, with whom Secretary Mellon lately crossed the Atlantic. Both the Messrs. Mellon quickly denied that there was any Mellonized boom for anyone at this juncture, but Secretary Mellon admitted that Mr. Hughes now was his personal choice.

A lesser Republican, Representative Hamilton Fish Jr. of New York, made so bold as to stage a formal Hughes rally in Manhattan, explaining that the one-time Secretary of State, onetime U. S. Supreme Court Justice and “best mind in the Republican Party” was the only man to pit against Democrat Alfred Emanuel Smith for the votes of Business and Labor. Celebrities were few at the Fish-Hughes rally, but Boomer Fish was not rebuked by the Party chiefs.

Mr. Hoover. Neatly alliterated with Mr. Hughes’s name in the Eastern Republican powwows, was the name of Herbert C. Hoover, for Vice President. But Mr. Hoover’s name was alliterated with nothing but itself in the Republican talk elsewhere.

Senator Borah of Idaho called on Mr. Hoover in Washington and invited him, in the name of Governor H. C. Baldridge and other Republican Idahosts, to go to their state next month and hunt wild animals. Senator Borah promised “cougar, elk, moose, mountain goats, deer, bears or eight delegates. It is really a wonderful country.” Mr. Hoover declared he would gladly hunt in Idaho.

Senator George H. Moses of New Hampshire had not such variety of wild animals to offer and did not invite Mr. Hoover to go hunting. But New Hampshire has eleven delegates at the national nominating convention and these Senator Moses promised to Mr. Hoover, following the Idaho invitation. In doing so, he advised the G.O.P. at large to choose its man, not for 1928 alone, but for re-election in 1932 as well, for party solidarity.

For this purpose a young man is needed. In Senator Moses’s opinion, Mr. Hoover is the only outstanding man young enough.*

Mr. McAdoo. The Democratic Party received an announcement from William Gibbs McAdoo. The press was handed copies of a letter from Mr. McAdoo to Publisher George F. Milton of the Chattanooga (Tenn.) News.

The letter read: “I think you are right in saying that the time has arrived when … I should indicate my attitude toward the forthcoming campaign for the Democratic Presidential nomination. . . .”

Then followed three paragraphs rehearsing the “important business activities . . constant interest in -public affairs . . . enthusiasm for the principles of progressive democracy . . . six years as Secretary of the Treasury . . . one year as Director General of all the railroads” and the devotion “without stint or limit to the service of the country,” that have characterized Mr. McAdoo’s “very intensive” life. His refusal to be a candidate in 1920 and his failure to be nomi-nated in 1924 were also mentioned.

“Do you not think I have earned an honorable discharge?” asked Mr. McAdoo.

He next recalled the split and impotent Democratic convention of 1924, declared that the 1928 convention must be prevented from “degenerating into a mere struggle of individuals for personal prefer-ment at the expense of principles and policies,” repeated his concern for the Democracy, the Constitution, Liberty, and concluded: “Per-haps I can do more to advance these objects as a private citizen than as a candidate for the Presidency. I prefer to stand aside in order that the field may be left clear, so far as I can clear it, for the development of a leadership. . . .

“I shall not, therefore, be a candidate for the Democratic Presi-dential nomination in 1928.”

Reiterating the gladness with which he would cooperate as a private citizen in “the struggle for the preservation of the Constitution . . . law . . . incorruptible government . . . impartial justice,” and expressing deep gratitude to Publisher Milton and “the thousands of unselfish and patriotic men and women throughout the country that have fought with me,” Mr. McAdoo was, with warm regard, as always, cordially, etc. Mr. Smith. The backers of Governor Alfred Emanuel Smith of New York were prompt to comment upon Mr. McAdoo’s letter. They said, of course, that its lengthy review of Mr. McAdoo’s record, principles and platform sounded more to them like a last effort to rally support for the McAdoo candidacy than a genuine withdrawal. They said that whatever it was it strengthened Governor Smith’s po-sition tremendously.

Western Democrats planned the biggest political parley of the season, to be held this week in Ogden, Utah. Delegates from twelve states promised to attend; to discuss the availability of candidates, Governor Smith prominently included.

*Mr. Brisbane himself left the quotation marks off of “boys” at this point.—ED.

*If Frank O. Lowden of Illinois were nominated and elected, he would be the oldest U. S. President-elect on record—13 days older than William Henry Harrison, who entered the office at the age of 68 years, 23 days. President Harrison died before finishing his term. Andrew Jackson attained the greatest age in the office—69 years, 354 days.

James Buchanan was a close second, aged 69 years, 315 days at retirement; Charles Evans Hughes is a year younger than Frank O. Lowden. Other Republican ages:

Andrew Mellon, 73

John Joseph Pershing, 66

Charles Gates Dawes, 62

Nicholas Longworth, 57

Calvin Coolidge, 55

Herbert C. Hoover, 53