A History Lesson

Many schoolboys with shining morning faces have heard their teacher expound the essence of the Monroe Doctrine. It is a part of the routine of education. But when the schoolboys are transformed into the American Bar Association (at Minneapolis), and the teacher is none less than the Secretary of State, whose interpretation of the famous Doctrine is the doctrine, the instruction is no longer routine.

Secretary Hughes, speaking on the Monroe Doctrine, made five points:

1.) ” The Monroe Doctrine is not a policy of aggression, it is a policy of self defense. . . .”

2.) “As the policy embodied in the Monroe Doctrine is distinctively the policy of the United States, the Government of the United States reserves to itself its definition, interpretation and application. . . .”

3.) “The policy of the Monroe Doctrine does not infringe upon the independence and sovereignty of other American states. Misconception upon this point is the only disturbing influence in our relations with Latin-American states. . . . . ”

4.) “We have not outgrown the necessity, in justice to ourselves and without injustice to others, of safeguarding our future peace and security. . . . New occasions require new applications of an old principle. . . . We could not yield to any foreign power the control of the Panama Canal or the approaches to it. … So far as the region of the Caribbean Sea is concerned … if we had no Monroe Doctrine we should have to create one. . . . ” Our treatment of Cuba, Santo Domingo and Haiti has been designed “not to create, to preclude the necessity of intervention.”

5.) “The Monroe Doctrine does not stand in the way of Pan-American coöperation; rather, it affords the necessary foundation for that coöperation in the independence and security of American States. . . . The Monroe Doctrine is not an obstacle to a wider international coöperation beyond the limits of Pan-American aims. . . . “

The famous Doctrine expounded by the present Secretary of State, and named after the President who sponsored it was promulgated 100 years ago, in 1823. But it was really the work of the man who was then Secretary of State and later President—John Quincy Adams.

Its occasion was the desire on the part of Spain, supported by the Holy Alliance (Russia, Prussia, Austria), to recover her South American colonies which had revolted. Canning, British Prime Minister, proposed that Great Britain and the U. S. join in blocking this move. The U. S. declined to coöperate, but this act gave the cue to Secretary Adams, who drew up the famous declaration forbidding foreign powers to intervene in the affairs of independent American states, or to attempt colonization in the western hemisphere.

The Monroe Doctrine was never made a law or a treaty. It was merely a part of President Monroe’s message to Congress on December 2, 1823.The announcement itself had its results. Spain gave up the attempt to recover herformer colonies. Subsequently (in 1869) the policy was put in practiceagainst the French maintenance of Maximilian as Emperor of Mexico,and (in 1895) in the boundary dispute between British Guiana and Venezuela.

John Quincy Adams, originator of the Monroe Doctrine,like the President under whom he served as Secretary of State, had wide diplomatic experience. Monroe had been Minister to France under Washington and Jefferson, and also Minister to Great Britain under the latter;he had helped negotiate the Louisiana Purchase; he had been Secretary of State under Madison. John Quincy Adams’ diplomatic career was even more extensive: At 14 he was private Secretary to Francis Dana, Envoy to Russia; at 15 he was a secretary attached to the Commission which concluded the Treaty of Paris, ending the Revolutionary War; Washington appointed him Minister to the Netherlands and later to Portugal, but before he reached that post his father (John Adams) became President and appointed him Minister to Berlin; on his return he remained at home for a time as a Senator and as professor of “rhetoric and oratory ” at Harvard; under Madison he was Envoy to Russia, and later, with Henry Clay and Albert Gallatin, negotiated a commercial treaty with Great Britain; in 1817 he returned to the U. S. to become Secretary of State under Monroe.

As Secretary of State, Adams not only was author of the Monroe Doctrine but played a leading part in the acquisition of Florida from Spain. From his Cabinet post he entered the Presidential campaign of 1824 against Calhoun, Secretary of War, Crawford, Secretary of the Treasury, Henry Clay, Speaker of the House, and Andrew Jackson. That was the famous contest in which no candidate had a majority in the Electoral College, although Jackson had the most votes. The election went to the House of Representatives and Clay (the Speaker) secured Adams’ election on the first ballot. Adams made Clay Secretary of State, adding fuel to the flame of the Jacksonians’ ire, which swept Adams out and Jackson into office four years later.

A year after leaving the Presidency Adams was elected to the House of Representatives.* There for 18 years he fought the ” Gag Rule” and other pro-slavery measures, finally succeeding in the repeal of the Gag Rule in 1844. Four years later he was stricken with apoplexy on the floor of the House and died two days later.

*The only other ex-President to serve in Congress was Andrew Johnson, who became a Senator from Tennessee. Tyler was a Representative in the Confederate Congress and died in that office.