Pity the diplomat from a small Latin American nation in London, Paris, Bonn or Cairo. He has no real need to arrange treaties, snoop for political intelligence, or seek out the details of clandestine missile sites. There is really only the social life and perhaps Bingo once a week to take one’s mind off the worst threat of all—job insecurity. With every attempted coup d’état back home comes a whole new wave of replacements. In Santo Domingo last week, Provisional President Héctor García-Godoy gave his nation’s foreign representatives a case in point.
Up for export was a sort of Who’s Who of the Dominican crisis. Commodore Francisco J. Rivera Caminero, Armed Forces Secretary and head of the loyalist military, was slated to be naval attache to Washington. Colonel Francisco Caamaño Deñó, head of the 1,400-man rebel force, was named military attaché to London; Colonel Manuel Ramón Montes Arache, Caamaño’s top aide, naval attaché to Ottawa; General Juan de los Santos Céspedes, current air force chief of staff, air attaché to Israel. Twenty-two more army, air force and police officers were assigned to an “indefinite” tour of duty studying the finer points of military organization in Israel.
With his list, the President hoped to bring some peace and calm to his turbulent, bullet-pocked nation by ridding it of some of the forces that are pulling it apart. Instead, he nearly succeeded in triggering another coup. Loyalist troops sealed off the National Palace, took the government Radio Santo Domingo “into custody”; and the ultra-right-wing Radio San Isidro—shut down since last October—suddenly switched back on the air, accusing the government of opening the way to a Communist takeover. As Jeeps and combat vehicles rumbled once again through the streets, García-Godoy moved quietly and easily about his suburban home, nibbling on rock candy, chatting with friends and talking on five of his six phones. The sixth was his hot line to the OAS peace-force commander, Brazilian General Hugo Panasco Alvim, who stood ready with 8,000 troops if García-Godoy decided to give the word.
As suddenly as the storm came up, it seemed to pass. Next morning, Caminero told newsmen that he was ready to leave the country as soon as he straightened out some personal matters. Then a few hours later, after talking with García-Godoy, he changed his mind. “The armed forces,” said Caminero, “are agreed that in the best interests of the fatherland, we cannot accept the presidential decision, and we are hopeful he will reconsider.” At week’s end Caminero met with the OAS’s Alvim and agreed to turn Radio Santo Domingo over to the OAS. But that was all that Caminero agreed to. As for the Rebel Leader Caamaño, he was keeping silent and—like everyone else in the country—watchful.
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