INVESTIGATIONS: The Friend from California

The name Murray Chotiner, dropped into the Senate investigation of military uniform procurement frauds a fortnight ago, set journalistic and political antennas twanging all over Washington. Reason: in the political context of 1956, the name Chotiner goes with the name Nixon.

A professional political manager, Lawyer Chotiner has been an important figure in California G.O.P. politics for 15 years. In 1942 he was field director in the first campaign for governor waged by Earl Warren, now Chief Justice of the United States. In 1946 and 1952 he was a campaign manager for Bill Knowland, now Senate minority leader. He helped in the Nixon campaigns for Congress in 1946 and 1948, and managed Nixon’s campaign for the Senate in 1950. In the vice-presidential campaign of 1952, Chotiner helped guide Nixon through the hectic days of the Nixon fund uproar, and after the election was generally recognized—much to the irritation of some Southern California Republican bigwigs—as Nixon’s closest home state contact.

“Situations.” What interested the Sen ate Subcommittee on Investigations was the fact that Chotiner’s name appeared in the records of one Herman Kravitz, a uniform maker from New Jersey, who had been convicted of misappropriating Government material and blacklisted as a Government contractor. What had Chotiner done to earn the $5,000 fee that Kravitz’ accountant had recorded? To find out, the subcommittee called Chotiner to testify in private, and then subpoenaed him for a public hearing.

The story began, Chotiner testified, when Kravitz telephoned him in Los Angeles, saying that he was looking “for a good lawyer, and that I had been recommended to him.” Kravitz said that he wanted to move his business to Los Angeles, and later asked Chotiner to make two trips East to discuss the proposed relocation and other “situations.” At that time Kravitz was awaiting trial for misappropriating Government property and making a false statement in connection with the case. Chotiner eventually discussed the charges with an attorney in the U.S. Department of Justice, and they reached a prosecution-defense agreement: Kravitz’ appeal from a guilty verdict on the theft charge was dropped, and the U.S. dropped the false statement charge. Kravitz’ sentence: a fine of $5,000. Choti-ner’s total fee: $6,000.

Beyond the Kravitz case, Committee Counsel Robert Kennedy (brother of Massachusetts’ Democratic Senator John Kennedy) began to throw some other names at Murray Chotiner. It developed that the California lawyer had represented Marco Regnelli, a notorious New Jersey hoodlum, who was trying (unsuccessfully, it turned out) to set aside a U.S. order of deportation. Also involved in Chotiner’s dealings with Kravitz and Regnelli, in a way not entirely clear, was a man named W. A. Parzow, a convicted jury tamperer from Miami and Atlantic City, who seemed to have been instrumental in getting Chotiner and his troubled clients together. Called to the stand to tell his. own story, Parzow hid behind the Fifth Amendment, guzzled one glass of water after another, complained that he was a sick man and wailed: “All I want to do is drink a lot of water to flush out my one kidney.” .

Two Calls. Inevitably, the big question came up: had Chotiner ever consulted Vice President Nixon about his cli ents? On this point, Chotiner was clear and firm: “I never discuss the people I represent or my cases with Mr. Nixon. I never discuss my clients’ business with him.” Asked South Dakota’s Karl Mundt:

Had Chotiner ever used the Vice President’s office as a base of operations? Chotiner’s answer: for political operations, yes; for business “never.” In fact, when he had business calls to make, said Chotiner. he would go down the corridor and use the pay telephone.

Arkansas’ John McClellan wanted to know whether Chotiner ever sought and received help through the White House. There were two “occasions,” Chotiner replied, on which White House Aide Charles Willis Jr. (since resigned) and Cabinet Secretary Maxwell M. Rabb helped him to make contacts in connection with his activities as a lawyer. At the White House there was quick reaction. Presidential Press Secretary James Hagerty announced that in 1954 Chotiner had discussed airline cases pending before the Civil Aeronautics Board with Willis and Rabb, but there was no evidence of any impropriety. In both cases CAB handed down decisions against the Chotiner clients.

At week’s end two points were clear: 1) Murray Chotiner had been sought out by, and had gone to work for, unsavory clients who obviously regarded him as a man of influence; and 2) on the basis of evidence so far adduced, he had been remarkably unsuccessful in wielding any.