Down to Moscow’s rainswept airport dashed the great-great-great-great-great-great-great-grandson of the Duke of Marlborough—Winston Churchill. With him dashed the cobbler’s son from Tiflis. Never before had Joseph Stalin made such a good-will gesture to any visiting foreign statesman. Stalin was all smiles. He had been ever since his talks with Churchill began in the Kremlin ten days ago.
As a final gesture of trusting friendship, he ventured into the British Prime Minister’s airplane to see what it looked like.
Then Winston Churchill spoke:
“We have worked very hard. We have been a council of workmen and soldiers. … It has been a pleasure to me and an honor to have so many long and intimate talks with my friend and war comrade Marshal Stalin, and to deal with him on the many difficult questions inseparable from the united, forward march of the great nations. … I hope most earnestly and I believe with great conviction that the warrior statesman at the head of Russia will lead the Russian people—all the peoples of Russia*—through the years of storm and tempest into the sunlight of a broader and happier age for all, and that with him in this task will march the British Commonwealth of Nations and the mighty United States of America.” Then the British warrior statesman climbed into his bomber, roared off.
More Later. Much of what it had accomplished would be revealed to the world some time next week, when Prime Minister Winston Churchill is expected to report to Parliament. For the present, its achievements were set forth in an official communique in which words were strictly rationed. Most important sections:
“Important progress was made toward solution of the Polish question, which was closely discussed between the Soviet and British Governments. . . .
“These discussions have notably narrowed differences and dispelled misconceptions. Conversations are continuing on outstanding points.
“The march of events in southeast Europe was fully considered and agreement was reached on main points in the Bulgarian armistice terms.
“The two Governments agreed to pursue a joint policy in Yugoslavia designed to concentrate all energies against the retreating Germans and bring about a solution of Yugoslav internal difficulties by a union between the Royal Yugoslav Government and the National Liberation movement.
“The right of the Yugoslav people to settle their future constitution for themselves after the war is of course recognized as inalienable.
“The meeting took place with the knowledge and approval of the United States Government, which was represented at the conversations by the United States Ambassador at Moscow, Mr. Averell Harriman, acting in the capacity of observer.”
If words, when used by statesmen, mean anything, this communique meant:
1) The Polish problem was nearer solution, but not yet solved.
2) Britain had practically relinquished its political interests in Yugoslavia.
What of Nov. 7? No mention was made of Britain’s interests in Greece. Also unmentioned was another topic which may well have furnished conversational matter for Churchill and Stalin: suppose that Franklin Roosevelt L not reelected?
Back in London was Polish Premier Stanislaw Mikolajczyk, with the new Churchill-Stalin formula for solving the Polish question to present to his Cabinet.
Back in Lublin the Lublin Poles 1) opened a new campaign of denunciation against the London Poles; 2) appointed one Stefan Wilanowski as their representative in London.
Not definitely accounted for at week’s end was Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden. He was reported to have flown from Moscow to Cairo, but might be at Ankara, Athens, or in Yugoslavia.
* A polite historical reassurance—”all the peoples of Russia” now include Estonians, Latvians, Lithuanians.
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