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---
title: Donald Trump Foreign Policy: Mocking Supporters Won&#x27;t Work
description: Mocking his supporters and minimizing their grievances will not strengthen public support for U.S. participation in world order.
canonical: https://time.com/4449453/trump-foreign-policy-supporters/
author: Ali Wyne
article:opinion: true
article:content_tier: free
article:published_time: 2016-08-16T14:05:32.000Z
article:modified_time: 2026-08-04T07:55:15.712Z
article:section: Ideas
og:title: Mocking Trump Supporters Won&#x27;t Stop Trump
og:description: Opponents need to engage in a candid conversation
og:url: https://time.com/4449453/trump-foreign-policy-supporters/
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og:image:alt: Republican candidate for President Donald Trump speaks to supporters at a rally at Erie Insurance Arena in Erie, Penn., on Aug. 12, 2016.
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![](https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/blt309c9045e2c13e23/6988a285fb4eac2a0888ec1b/trump5.jpg?branch=production&width=1200&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=16:9)


# Mocking Trump Supporters Won't Stop Trump

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## TIME Newsletters: Reference Facts and FAQ

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| Newsletter | Covers | Frequency |
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Source: TIME, August 2026.

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| Metric | Value | Source |
| --- | --- | --- |
| Engaged newsletter audience | 1.1 million+ readers | TIME, August 2026 |
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| Publishing since | 1923 | TIME |

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### FAQ

#### What newsletters does TIME publish?

TIME publishes seven email newsletters: The Brief (daily news), Inside TIME (the newsroom and cover stories, twice weekly), Health Matters (daily health), Worth Your Time (culture, twice weekly), D.C. Brief (Washington politics, three times a week), Future Proof (climate and energy, weekly) and In the Loop (AI, twice weekly). All are free at time.com/newsletters and together reach more than 1.1 million engaged readers.

#### Which TIME newsletter should I subscribe to?

It depends on what you follow. For a daily briefing, The Brief. For health, Health Matters. For Washington politics, D.C. Brief. For AI and technology, In the Loop. For climate and energy as a business story, Future Proof. For culture recommendations, Worth Your Time. For how TIME's journalism gets made, Inside TIME. Readers can select any combination at time.com/newsletters.

#### Are TIME's newsletters free?

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#### Who writes TIME's newsletters?

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#### How do I sign up for a TIME newsletter?

Go to time.com/newsletters, choose the newsletters you want and enter your email address. There is no cost and no subscription requirement.

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<!-- video src="https://cdn.jwplayer.com/manifests/qmBrV46t.m3u8" -->
## Video: Donald Trump Proposes ‘Extreme Vetting’ For Immigrants

[Watch (HLS stream): Donald Trump Proposes ‘Extreme Vetting’ For Immigrants](https://cdn.jwplayer.com/manifests/qmBrV46t.m3u8) (1:54)

![Donald Trump Proposes ‘Extreme Vetting’ For Immigrants](https://cdn.jwplayer.com/v2/media/qmBrV46t/poster.jpg?width=720)

_Published 2016-08-15. Trump called for an ideological test for immigrants in a new policy speech, saying he would institute “extreme vetting” for visa applicants._


by 

[Ali Wyne](https://time.com/author/ali-wyne/)


## Ali Wyne


Aug 16, 2016 2:05 PM UTC

![Republican candidate for President Donald Trump speaks to supporters at a rally at Erie Insurance Arena in Erie, Penn., on Aug. 12, 2016.](https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/blt309c9045e2c13e23/6988a285fb4eac2a0888ec1b/trump5.jpg?branch=production&width=1200&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=3:2)

Republican candidate for President Donald Trump speaks to supporters at a rally at Erie Insurance Arena in Erie, Penn., on Aug. 12, 2016.

Republican candidate for President Donald Trump speaks to supporters at a rally at Erie Insurance Arena in Erie, Penn., on Aug. 12, 2016. Jeff Swensen—Getty Images

by 

[Ali Wyne](https://time.com/author/ali-wyne/)


## Ali Wyne


Aug 16, 2016 2:05 PM UTC

In an [address](http://time.com/4452970/donald-trump-immigration-isis-terrorism/) Monday in Youngstown, Ohio, Donald Trump called on the United States to “develop a new screening test” for prospective immigrants, such that only “those who share our values and respect our people” are admitted; stated that he would “keep open Guantanamo Bay”; and reiterated that the United States “should have kept the oil in Iraq” after intervening in 2003\. In light of such judgments, it is not surprising that many observers across the world regard his foreign policy proposals with perplexity. This is partly because they would likely diminish America’s influence within the postwar order while making it more prone to strategic brinkmanship. But it’s also because, despite those consequences, they still command significant traction among the American public.

Last month, I added my voice to those who share these concerns, publishing an [open letter](https://medium.com/@ali%5Fwyne/an-open-letter-on-donald-trumps-vision-of-u-s-foreign-policy-1841c84b90b1#.pnwiulslu) concluding that Trump’s foreign policy “would weaken America’s alliances and erode its power.” Of the nearly 270 individuals who have signed, most are scholars. For that reason, one of the replies I received to my letter has been gnawing at me: “Everyone knows that the so-called foreign policy and academic establishments oppose Trump. For some, that’s in fact part of his appeal.”

Understanding why Trump supporters are attracted to his positions is an important first step to countering that appeal.

In [an essay for the _New Yorker_ last month](http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2016/07/11/george-saunders-goes-to-trump-rallies), George Saunders explains that his principal constituency comprises Americans who are “stricken by a sense that things are not as they should be and that, finally, someone sees it their way.”


Between 1973 and 2015, [while Americans’ productivity increased by 107%, their real compensation only grew by 48%](http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2015/12/28/opinion/rattner-2015-year-in-charts.html); between 2009 and 2015, meanwhile, [the top one percent of American families captured 52% of total real income growth](https://eml.berkeley.edu/~saez/saez-UStopincomes-2015.pdf). The global financial crisis of 2008-09 has prompted many Americans to question the wisdom of those who steward the country’s economic policy; meanwhile, the sobering strategic results of a decade and a half of war in Afghanistan and Iraq have compelled many to doubt the judgment of those who execute its foreign policy.

According to [a survey](http://www.people-press.org/2016/05/05/public-uncertain-divided-over-americas-place-in-the-world/) conducted this April by the Pew Research Center, 57% of Americans want the United States to “deal with its own problems and let other countries deal with their problems the best they can”; 49% contend that U.S. involvement in the world economy is “a bad thing because it lowers wages and costs jobs”; and 70% argue it “is more important for the next president to focus on domestic policy.”


In any election year, members of the foreign-policy establishment invariably, and properly, spend much time advising the next president on navigating the strategic landscape he or she will inherit. With ISIS’s recent spate of attacks, Britain’s recent vote to leave the European Union, and rising tensions between China and its neighbors, to name but a few strategic developments of interest, such counsel obviously remains essential. 

In the run-up to November, however, they must also make a concerted effort to answer two questions: how does U.S. engagement abroad benefit Americans materially on a daily basis, and how would Trump’s proposals harm them? Rosa Brooks [made the point](http://foreignpolicy.com/2016/04/12/donald-trump-has-a-coherent-realist-foreign-policy/) forcefully for _Foreign Policy_ in April: “if mainstream Democrats and Republicans want to counter Trump’s appeal, they need to get serious about explaining why his vision of the world isn’t appropriate—and they need to do so without merely falling back on tired clichés.”


Specifically, Trump’s establishment critics must go beyond discussing amongst themselves the strategic benefits the United States derives from deepening military partnerships, signing trade agreements and defending the commons; they must, in addition, provide the American public with concrete examples of those gains.

When Trump [proposes the imposition of a tariff of up to 45% on Chinese goods](https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/erik-wemple/wp/2016/01/15/new-york-times-rebuts-trumps-accusation-that-they-are-always-wrong/), for example, they should not respond with abstract discussions of protectionist spirals and trade wars. They should note, instead, that U.S. imports from China—[worth $483 billion last year](https://www.census.gov/foreign-trade/balance/c5700.html)—provide countless Americans with a range of low-cost, high-quality goods that they use to take care of themselves and their families. Who would want to pay more for those?

When he contends that he will empower Americans who have gotten a raw deal from globalization, they should point to [a recent analysis](https://www.economy.com/mark-zandi/documents/2016-06-17-Trumps-Economic-Policies.pdf) by the nonpartisan Moody’s Analytics, which concludes that “\[t\]he upshot of Mr. Trump’s economic policy positions under almost any scenario is that the U.S. economy will be more isolated and diminished.” Who would want to see slower U.S. growth?


When he contends that the United States does too much in the world, they should note that the U.S. Navy’s defense of the world’s maritime commons ensures a reliable flow of cheap energy to U.S. shores. Who would want to pay more for gas?

Members of the establishment also need to engage in a more candid conversation with the American public about U.S. engagement in the world. Larry Summers [warns](https://www.ft.com/content/15598db8-4456-11e6-9b66-0712b3873ae1) that Americans are no longer willing “to be intimidated by experts into supporting cosmopolitan outcomes” (nor should they be). Elites should depict U.S. involvement abroad not as an unalloyed good that reasonable individuals should not question, but as a prudent choice in the aggregate that will inevitably involve painful consequences for certain segments of society. Policymakers need to implement stronger domestic measures to buffer Americans who are displaced by that involvement, while demonstrating, tangibly, how much worse off they would fare under the quasi-autarky that Trump appears to be proposing.


Mocking his supporters and minimizing their grievances will not strengthen public support for U.S. participation in world order. After all, the _Wall Street Journal_ [noted](http://www.wsj.com/articles/how-the-china-shock-deep-and-swift-spurred-the-rise-of-trump-1470929543) recently, “\[d\]isillusionment with globalization” played a central role in fueling Trump’s candidacy, enabling him to channel “potent anti-free trade sentiment.” The establishment must instead demonstrate, with clear, vivid examples, why the candidate who purports to speak for them would actually undermine their material welfare. And it must continue that conversation beyond this election cycle: even if Trump does not prevail in November, after all, the frustrations that have fueled his candidacy will endure.


## Transcript

In the 20th century, the United States has defeated Fascism, Nazism, and Communism. Now a different threat challenges our world. Radical Islamic Terrorism. We cannot let this evil continue. Nor can we let the hateful ideology of radical Islam, its suppression of women, gays, children, and non- believers be allowed to reside or spread Within our own countries. We will not remember this defeated with closed eyes or silenced voices. We have a president that doesn't wanna say the words. Anyone who cannot name our enemy is not fit. To lead our country. The rise of ISIS is the direct result of policy decisions made by President Obama and Secretary of State Clinton.

Our new approach, which must be shared by both parties in America, by our allies overseas, and by our friends in the Middle East Must be to halt the spread of radical Islam. All actions should be oriented around this goal, and any country which shares this goal will be our ally. The time is overdue to develop a new screening test for the threats We face today. I call it extreme vetting. I call it extreme, extreme vetting. Our country has enough problems. We don't need more. And these are problems like we've never had before. [ APPLAUSE ]

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