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The Story Behind the Democratic Debate’s Final Question

9 minute read

In the final round of the Democratic debate on Tuesday night, moderator Anderson Cooper posed a question to the candidates: “Franklin Delano Roosevelt once said, ‘I ask you to judge me by the enemies I have made.’ You’ve all made a few people upset over your political careers. Which enemy are you most proud of?”

The answers this time around were varied: the coal lobby for Lincoln Chafee, the NRA for Martin O’Malley, Wall Street for Bernie Sanders, an enemy soldier for Jim Webb and, in addition to several others, the Republican Party for Hillary Clinton. For FDR, when he used that line—or, rather, a version of that line, which is often misquoted—in 1932, the enemies to which he referred fell somewhere between Sanders’ answer and Clinton’s.

The line (which did not actually include the words “I ask you to”) comes from a speech that the future president gave during the campaign season preceding the first of his many successful bids for the White House. In September of 1932, he spoke to a crowd in Portland, Ore., on the topic of electrical power. Though it may well have been a rousing oratory, which FDR certainly knew how to deliver, the speech was actually rather low on the soundbites. Instead, it was a long and detailed description of an ongoing problem with the way that public utilities were regulated in the United States, complete with the history of public utilities going back 300 years to the regulation of ferry boats under King James of England. It did, however, conclude with a few good lines—including that quote:

To the people of this country I have but one answer on this subject. Judge me by the enemies I have made. Judge me by the selfish purposes of these utility leaders who have talked of radicalism while they were selling watered stock to the people and using our schools to deceive the coming generation.

My friends, my policy is as radical as American liberty. My policy is as radical as the Constitution of the United States.

I promise you this: Never shall the Federal Government part with its sovereignty or with its control over its power resources, while I am President of the United States.

Roosevelt’s tough stance toward utilities likely came as no surprise to his audience. During his time as governor of New York, Roosevelt had made an effort to increase regulation and price control for utilities, especially electricity, which as he pointed out had recently make the shift from luxury to necessity. He campaigned as an advocate of federal regulation of utilities, especially in the wake of a recent crisis spurred by the financial meltdown of electricity tycoon Samuel Insull.

To prevent a repetition of the Insull situation, FDR said, greater regulation of utilities was necessary. “I have spoken on several occasions of a ‘new deal’ for the American people. I believe that the ‘new deal,’ as you and I know it, can be applied to a whole lot of things. It can be applied very definitely to the relationship between the electric utilities on the one side, and the consumer and the investor on the other,” he said. “True regulation is for the equal benefit of the consumer and the investor. The only man who will suffer from true regulation is the speculator, or the unscrupulous promoter who levies tribute equally from the man who buys the service and from the man who invests his savings in this great industry.”

President Hoover, the Republican incumbent, had only recently come around to a similar position, after taking a longstanding stance against regulation. The two candidates also differed on whether communities should have the right, in the absence of a private option, to start their own publicly held power companies. It was a question of particular import at the time when the government had recently started work on a project—a dam in the Colorado River—that could potentially provide electricity that would be the federal government’s to dispense with.

The hydroelectric resource in question would soon get a new name—the Hoover Dam—but FDR would be the one to win the election.

The Blooper Heard Round the World

As soon as the debates started back up, so, too, did the “gaffes,” beginning with President Gerald Ford declaring boldly that there was “no Soviet domination of Eastern Europe” at a time when every Eastern European country was securely locked behind the Iron Curtain.

TIME was as amazed as everyone else, calling Ford’s statement “The Blooper Heard Round the World.” Ford clearly knew that the Soviets dominated Eastern Europe, but he was trying to make a rhetorical point and simply blew it — and went on to blow the election.

The Age Issue

Some observers in 1984 worried that Ronald Reagan might have grown too old to continue in the presidency. His quip during a debate with Walter Mondale is widely seen as having defused this concern. “I will not make age an issue of this campaign,” he said. “I am not going to exploit, for political purposes, my opponent’s youth and inexperience.” Even Mondale laughed.

All the Emotion

In 1988, CNN’s Bernard Shaw asked Democratic contender Michael Dukakis a bizarre question, and elicited a (politically) terrible answer. “Mr. Dukakis,” Shaw asked, “if Kitty Dukakis [the candidate’s wife] were raped and murdered, would you favor an irrevocable death penalty?” This could have been a great time for Dukakis to shed some of his image as a remote, passionless technocrat. He could have said that, of course, as a husband, his instinct would be for revenge, but that we live in a democratic society, and personal revenge has no place in our laws. Instead, he gave a passionless, technocratic answer: “No, I don’t, Bernard,” he said, “and I think you know that I’ve opposed the death penalty during all of my life. I don’t see any evidence that it’s a deterrent and I think there are better and more effective ways to deal with violent crime.”

TIME’s Walter Shapiro wrote: “Dukakis mustered all the emotion of a time-and- temperature recording.”

No Jack Kennedy

Sometimes, the vice-presidential debates have yielded the more memorable moments in a given election year. Such was the case when Dukakis’ running mate Lloyd Benson tore into Dan Quayle, who was George H.W. Bush’s running mate.

Quayle, young and fair-haired, was often compared to John Kennedy (usually by Republican operatives) despite his being widely considered to be a bit of a dim bulb (an assessment that was in fact quite unfair). Quayle made the mistake of invoking JFK during the debate, giving Bentson his opening. “I served with Jack Kennedy,” Bentson said. “I knew Jack Kennedy. Jack Kennedy was a friend of mine. Senator, you’re no Jack Kennedy.” The audience erupted, and in the next day’s papers, “deer in the headlights” was the most-often-used phrase to describe Quayle’s reaction.

The Humblebrag of ’92

In 1992, Ross Perot’s prickly demeanor (“Are you gonna let me finish?”) got a lot of attention during the debates. But it was his running mate, Adm. James Stockdale, whose performance has proven the most memorable. In trying to be self-deprecating about his lack of political experience (actually sort of a humblebrag), Stockdale blurted our, “Who am I? Why am I here?”

Since he already had a reputation (whether deserved or not) as a confused old man, this soundbite was set in concrete. And just as people sometimes confuse Tina Fey’s takeoffs on Sarah Palin for Palin herself (it was Fey, not Palin, who said “I can see Russia from my house!”), people tend to remember Phil Hartman’s portrayal of Stockdale on Saturday Night Live a lot better than they remember Stockdale himself.

The Nod

By 2000, it had been eight years since a national debate yielded any real drama (Clinton vs. Dole was a snooze of an election). Most of the best bits of 2000 came from Al Gore, who memorably sighed a lot at statements from his opponent, George W. Bush. But the best moment might have been when Gore at one point stood up, seemingly to intimidate Bush, and Bush simply nodded hello at him and continued what he was saying.

Getting Personal

In 2004, it was once again the vice presidential debate that yielded the most memorable moment, when Dick Cheney was asked about gay rights. His daughter, a lesbian, wasn’t mentioned — that is, until after Cheney was finished answering, and his opponent, John Edwards, brought her up. “I think the vice president and his wife love their daughter,” he said. “I think they love her very much. And you can’t have anything but respect for the fact that they’re willing to talk about the fact that they have a gay daughter, the fact that they embrace her. It’s a wonderful thing. And there are millions of parents like that who love their children, who want their children to be happy.” Cheney and his wife Lynne both later said they were furious at Edwards for mentioning their daughter.

Likable Enough

In 2008, a common political question was whether Hillary Clinton was “likable.” In a primary debate, Barack Obama answered that question: “You’re likable enough, Hillary.” This was widely interpreted (especially among Clinton supporters) as rude and condescending. But it also could have been a genuine response.

Joe Kidding

Before her debate with vice-presidential contender Joe Biden, Sarah Palin asked her opponent if she could call him Joe. Of course, he said. That set her up for a canned line later in the debate: “Say it ain’t so, Joe.” Palin did much better in the debate than many people were expecting, possibly in part due to Biden being very careful to not insult her or otherwise seem cruel.


In recent years, primary debates — or at least debate moments — have been getting as much if not more attention than general-election debates. Perhaps the most memorable moment of 2012 came when Republican candidate Rick Perry couldn’t remember the third government agency he wanted to eliminate. He paused, he stumbled, he finally said “oops.” Perry recently became the first GOP candidate to drop out of the 2016 race, and some pundits have said that his “oops” moment might have destroyed his political career.


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Write to Lily Rothman at lily.rothman@time.com