"This is not a publicity stunt"
An interim university president decided to forego $90,000 of his salary so that his school’s lowest-paid employees could earn a living wage.
Raymond Burse, who’s been Kentucky State University’s sitting president for 12 months while its board looks for a successor, wasn’t pleased to hear that some of the college’s workers were earning a minimum wage of $7.25 an hour, even though many consider $10.25 as a living wage.
Burse had served as president of KSU from 1982-89, and then was a top executive at General Electric for 27 years. He told Kentucky.com that his decision to forego some of his typically-$349,869 salary wasn’t a difficult decision.
“My whole thing is I don’t need to work,” Burse said. “This is not a hobby, but in terms of the people who do the hard work and heavy lifting, they are at the lower pay scale.”
Burse will now be paid $259,745 for the year.
“This is not a publicity stunt,” he said. “You don’t give up $90,000 for publicity. I did this for the people.”
In the deep-red, Bluegrass state, the Affordable Care Act is an unlikely hit. Just don’t call it by that name
Subscriber content preview. or Sign In
About a year ago, on aug. 22, a team of inspectors from the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) unit of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services arrived in Frankfort, Ky., to see if the people working out of a nondescript warehouse there were going to be able to pull off the launch of Kentucky’s Obamacare health-insurance exchange.
Kentucky was one of 14 states, plus the District of Columbia, that had opted to build its own version of the Obamacare exchange; the federal government, through CMS, was building an exchange to offer insurance in the other 36 states.
There was less than six weeks to go before the scheduled Oct. 1 debut, in Kentucky and nationally …
Meet "Honest Gil", a satirical candidate in Kentucky's senate race+ READ ARTICLE
Ever wonder what politicians would say if they had to always speak the unvarnished truth?
Meet Gil Fulbright, (Or Phil Gulbright. Or Bill Fulbright. Or Phillip Mimouf-Wifarts. You’ll understand once you’ve watched the ad).
“Honest Gil” is a satirical candidate for the U.S. Senate in the Kentucky race between Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell and his Democratic challenger Alison Lundergan Grimes. Gil plans to rent a campaign bus, take out billboard and TV ads and show up at campaign events in order to make a spectacle of what is poised to be the most expensive Senate election in American history.
Fulbright will be the face of Represent.Us, a non-partisan movement claiming 450,000 supporters that wants to pass campaign finance and anti-corruption laws to limit the influence of money on Washington. With 26 days left in its Indiegogo campaign to raise money for Fulbright’s shenanigans, the group has already busted through its fundraising goal of $20,000.
Whatever your position on campaign finance, Fulbright’s commercial is at the very least a funny/tragically spot-on commentary on the state of political discourse in the U.S.
Residents have been advised to seek shelter and stay away from windows
Thunderstorms that are wreaking havoc throughout the central and eastern part of Kentucky have caused 50,000 homes to lose power, energy companies report.
The National Weather Service issued a severe-thunderstorm warning on Wednesday that is anticipated to last until Thursday. Local media report winds gusting at 70 m.p.h., striking down power lines and trees. Residents have been instructed to seek shelter and stay away from windows to avoid the strong winds and quarter-sized hail.
The Kentucky Weather Center also warned of potential “local high water issues” on Tuesday following heavy rainfall.
No injuries have been reported at this time.
So much for fear of the earth crumbling
As a concept, sinkholes are terrifying—the solidity of the earth beneath your feet suddenly is in question. In February, a 40 ft. by 60 ft. one opened up under the National Corvette Museum in Kentucky and swallowed a roomful of classic cars. Luckily, nobody was hurt and only one or two cars were severely damaged, though it took eight weeks for the museum to find and extract the cars.
The upside? Tourism is booming. Between February and May, Quartz reports, visits increased by 50%. The museum plans to keep the sinkhole open for viewing through the summer, including during its 20th anniversary celebration in August.
In the French Cognac region, locals call it the "black velvet." In Kentucky, the fungus stands at the heart of a heated lawsuit+ READ ARTICLE
Kentucky is usually famous for its racehorses and its legendary bourbon. But soon, it might be also known for a black fungus, which thrives in ethanol-rich environments and grows on exterior surfaces that are exposed to direct sunlight.
“When it evaporates, it wafts into the community, into the neighbors backyards, invisible, odorless,” said William McMurry, a lawyer from Louisville, Kentucky. Nearby, houses, road signs, wood fences—anything left outside for long enough—is veiled in the black growth.
Locals recently brought a class action lawsuit against distilleries to get them to control their ethanol output, AFP reports.
In 2007, researchers published a study about Baudoinia, a newly identified type of fungus, which needs water and alcohol to grow. The first stems from humidity in the air, while the second comes from the ethanol that evaporates as the bourbon matures in its oak barrels, making the area around whiskey-aging warehouses a prime breeding ground.
But the fungus is not a phenomenon unique to Kentucky. On the other side of the Atlantic—in Scotland and in France’s Cognac region—this evaporation is known as the “angels’ share.” In California, wine makers have put systems in place to capture excess ethanol.
The distilleries reject the scientific arguments implicating them. But McMurry hopes to convince them to install ethanol capture systems, similar to the ones adopted in California.
“If they’re not a good neighbor, they need to be made responsible, personally accountable like the rest of us businesses,” McMurry said.
Polls show Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell has a commanding lead over Matt Bevin, his most serious competitor in his last five re-election campaigns, a day before the Kentucky primary election. Now the real fight for his seat begins
It is a testament to Senate Minority leader Mitch McConnell’s dogged preparedness that he is poised to blow out his primary in Kentucky on Tuesday.
McConnell’s victory was not always as much of a sure thing. Businessman Matt Bevin was the first serious primary challenger McConnell has drawn in five reelection campaigns. Bevin raised $3.7 million, nearly $1 million of it in his own money, enough to buy a healthy amount of broadcast advertising in the Bluegrass State and to fund a plane to crisscross Kentucky in the final days of campaigning.
But the Tea Party darling never really gained traction, consistently trailing McConnell in the polls by more than 25 percentage points. This was partly due to McConnell’s careful trek right on key positions, the hiring of Rand Paul’s campaign manager Jesse Benton to court the Tea Party crowd and the methodical opposition research on Bevin and his allies.
“Bevin was not to be taken lightly as a Tea Party primary foe, and McConnell didn’t,” says Larry Sabato, head of the University of Virginia’s Center for Politics. “After nearly 30 years in the Senate, McConnell has built up critics even among some GOP base voters in Kentucky, and his favorability ratings are just so-so. But his aggressive, full-on campaign, combined with Bevin’s inexperience and errors, should deliver a strong primary result for the incumbent.”
McConnell effectively painted Bevin as a flip flopper who once supported bank bailouts and lied about his resume. (Bevin once claimed on his LinkedIn page to have graduated from MIT but the school denied he was ever enrolled). McConnell also targeted outside groups that had the audacity to support Bevin, making it clear those groups would have a hard time finding work in Washington and in other races should they continue to support rifts within the Republican Party. “Some Washington- and Los Angeles-based groups have spent millions in total propping up a candidate who it appears had little actual grassroots momentum in Kentucky,” says Brad Dayspring, a spokesman for the National Senatorial Campaign Committee, which works to elect Republicans to the Senate.
Indeed, McConnell spent more than $12 million on his primary not so much to beat Bevin, but to unite his fractured party both nationally and in Kentucky and to test-drive his campaign apparatus ahead of what will be a bruising general election. McConnell enters the general election essentially tied in polls with his likely Democratic opponent, Kentucky Secretary of State Alison Lundergan Grimes, a 35-year-old relative political ingénue who makes 72-year-old McConnell look, well, old. “Over $4 million of negative ads have already been aired against Alison and she has only just gone up on the air, yet she remains popular and in a strong position with lots of room to grow,” says Matt Canter, a spokesman for the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, which works to elect Democrats to the Senate. “Alison is a great candidate and we are in a terrific position to win.”
A test-drive was a wise move given the McConnell campaign’s gaffe-filled roll out. Early on, Benton was caught on tape saying he was “holding his nose” working for McConnell. The leader also had a series of television ad flubs. Some stock footage of the senator and his wife uploaded on YouTube ended up the brunt of late night comedians. And another ad accidentally featured footage of basketball rival Duke instead of the University of Kentucky’s team.
Still, “McConnell managed to stay a step ahead of his opponent,” says Jennifer Duffy, who tracks Senate races for the non-partisan Cook Political Report. “The primary hasn’t damaged McConnell the way Democrats hoped. In fact, it might have put him in a stronger position.” Given that this race is poised to be the most expensive in Senate history—with more than $100 million pouring into the state—McConnell is taking nothing for granted in what has become the political fight of his career.
A new Human Rights Watch report finds that child laborers, some as young as 7 years old, who work on tobacco farms in North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee and Virginia, "get so sick that they throw up, get covered by pesticides and have no real protective gear"
Children as young as 7 years old are suffering serious health problem from toiling long hours in tobacco fields to harvest pesticide-laced leaves for major cigarette brands, according to a report released Wednesday.
New York City–based advocacy group Human Rights Watch (HRW) interviewed more than 140 youngsters working on tobacco farms in North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee and Virginia, where most American tobacco is sourced.
They reported nausea, vomiting, headaches and other health problems associated with nicotine poisoning, known colloquially as green tobacco sickness, which is common among agricultural workers who absorb the toxic substance through their skin.
“The U.S. has failed America’s families by not meaningfully protecting child farmworkers from dangers to their health and safety, including on tobacco farms,” said Margaret Wurth, HRW children’s-rights researcher and co-author of the report.
“Farming is hard work anyway, but children working on tobacco farms get so sick that they throw up, get covered by pesticides and have no real protective gear.”
Much of what HRW documented remains legal. While strict provisions govern child labor in industrial environments, U.S. agriculture labor laws are much looser, allowing 12-year-olds to labor for unlimited hours outside of school on any size of farm. On small farms, there is no minimum age set for child workers.
HRW called on tobacco giants to ensure safe working practices and source responsibly. The global tobacco industry generates annual revenues of around $500 billion, but some 6 million people die each year from smoking-related diseases.
Not everyone favors stricter controls. Republican Kentucky state senator Paul Hornback says he worked in tobacco fields from when he was 10 years old and doesn’t think further legislation is necessary. “It’s hard manual labor, but there’s nothing wrong with hard manual labor,” he told the Associated Press.