TIME Transportation

How Smart Traffic Lights Could Transform Your Commute

Using data to make cities run smoother

The traffic signals along Factoria Boulevard in Bellevue, Wash., generally don’t flash the same stretch of green twice in a row, especially at rush hour. At 9:30 a.m., the full red/yellow/green signal cycle might be 140 seconds. By 9:33 a.m, a burst of additional traffic might push it to 145 seconds. Less traffic at 9:37 a.m. could push it down to 135. Just like the traffic itself, the timing of the signals fluctuates.

That’s by design. Bellevue, a fast-growing city of more than 130,000 just east of Seattle, utilizes a system that is gaining popularity around the U.S.: intersection signals that can adjust in real-time to traffic conditions. City officials say that these lights, known as adaptive signals, have led to significant declines in both the hassle and cost of commuting.

“Adaptive signals make sure that inefficiencies never happen,” says Alex Stevanovic, director of the Laboratory for Adaptive Traffic Operations & Management at Florida Atlantic University. “They can make sure that the traffic demand that is there is being addressed.”

As city leaders increasingly turn to data for insight into running their metros more efficiently, adaptive signals have emerged as a 21st century strategy to chip away at a longstanding scourge. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, almost 11 million Americans commute more than an hour each way to their job while 600,000 U.S. residents have one-way “megacommutes” of at least 90 minutes or 50 miles.

And all that time on the roads costs money. The Centre for Economics and Business Research estimates that U.S. commuters lost $124 billion in 2013 due to the cost of fuel, the value of time wasted in traffic, and the increased cost of doing business. CEBR predicts those costs will rise 50% by 2030.

Only 3% of the nation’s traffic signals are currently adaptive, but the number of smart signals in the U.S. has jumped from 4,500 in 2009 to 6,500 in 2014, according to Stevanovic, who tracks the signals’ installation around the U.S.

The largest concentration of adaptive signals is in Los Angeles, a city that has long struggled with congestion. Nearby Orange County, Calif. has the second largest, followed by Utah, where about 80% of the state’s traffic signals are adaptive. But the frontier of adaptive traffic management may be in Bellevue, according to transportation policy experts. The city’s overhaul began in 2010 when it began implementing a system called SCATS (Sydney Coordinative Adaptive Traffic System, which was first developed and used in Sydney, Australia). Currently, 174 of Bellevue’s intersections have been outfitted with the new technology with plans for all 197 intersections to use adaptive signals by the end of the year.

The system uses a series of wires embedded in city streets that tell the signals how much traffic is moving through the intersection. When traffic is heavier, the green lights stay on longer. Less traffic means shorter greens. During peak traffic periods, nearby intersections sync their lights to allow long stretches of green. When there are fewer cars on the road, those intersections revert to their own cycles. Mark Poch, the Bellevue Transportation Department’s traffic engineering manager, says uncoupled intersections work more efficiently when there are fewer cars on the road because they can better respond to specific situations at that cross street.

Along Factoria, one of Bellevue’s main downtown arteries, travel times have decreased by 36% during peak rush hour since adaptive lights were installed, according to city transportation officials. Along NE 8th Street, another heavily trafficked street, travel times are down 43% from 2 p.m. to 6 p.m. Those decreased delays appear to add up to real savings for drivers: Bellevue officials say the $5.5 million system saves drivers $9 million to $12 million annually (they estimate that a driver’s time is worth $15 an hour).

For all of Bellevue’s success, adaptive signals are not a panacea for clogged roadways. Kevin Balke, a research engineer at the Texas A&M University Transportation Institute, says that while smart lights can be particularly beneficial for some cities, others are so congested that only a drastic reduction in the number of cars on the road will make a meaningful difference. “It’s not going to fix everything, but adaptive has some benefits for a smaller city with a particular corridor on the verge of breaking down,” he says.

In Bellevue, the switch to adaptive has been a lesson in the value of embracing new approaches. In the past, Poch says, there was often a knee-jerk reaction to dealing with increased traffic: just widen the lanes. Now he hopes that other cities will consider making their streets run smarter instead of just making them bigger.

“It’s been a slow change,” Poch says. “It’s easy to think the way to get out of it is to widen the road. However, as we move toward being better stewards of our resources and more sensitive to environmental issues, let’s take what we have and operate it better. I think that’s a more prevailing thought now, and I think it makes sense.”

TIME Crime

Why Charges in the Freddie Gray Case Came Quickly

Marilyn Mosby
Andrew Burton—Getty Images Baltimore City State's Attorney Marilyn J. Mosby announces that criminal charges will be filed against Baltimore police officers in the death of Freddie Gray in Baltimore on May 1, 2015.

Experts say the swift move to charge six police officers indicates strong evidence

The charges brought against six Baltimore officers involved in the death of 25-year-old Freddie Gray on Friday came just a day after police turned over their investigation to the Baltimore state’s attorney’s office. And experts say the swift nature of the charges likely reflects the strength of the case against the officers involved.

While several high-profile police-related deaths have not seen indictments—like in the cases of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo., and Eric Garner in Staten Island, both of whom died after confrontations with police—the charges brought against Baltimore police were extensive and came rapidly.

That’s a sign there’s likely very strong evidence to prosecute. “In my experience, prosecutors do not bring cases they plan to lose,” says Phillip Stinson, a criminal justice professor at Bowling Green State University. “It seems to me that the facts of this case are so egregious that the prosecutor has a really strong case.”

Baltimore City’s State’s Attorney Marilyn Mosby on Friday announced charges including second-degree murder, manslaughter and assault against six officers involved in Gray’s April 19 death, a week after he suffered a severe spinal injury inside a police van. Baltimore’s police union accused her of acting prematurely, with Michael Davey, lawyer for Baltimore’s Fraternal Order of Police, calling Mosby’s actions an “egregious rush to judgement.”

But the speed with which the charges were brought could also reflect decisions made by some of the officers involved to become potential state’s witnesses. Candace McCoy, a professor at John Jay College of Criminal Justice, says that in many cases involving charges brought against multiple officers, there are often cops who offer to testify against their colleagues — though she emphasizes that it’s too soon to say whether that’s the case here.

McCoy praised Mosby’s decision to indict all six officers, however, instead of trying to bring charges against just one or two. She argues that the reason no charges were brought against NYPD officer Daniel Pantaleo, who used an apparent chokehold against Garner that helped lead to his death, is because a grand jury was only considering one officer involved instead of several who were trying to detain Garner.

“It’s important that they’re indicting all the officers,” McCoy says. “Trying to convince a grand jury to indict just one person when the jury realizes all of them contributed is difficult. One person alone is not responsible for a death.”

It may also work in the prosecutor’s favor that a firearm wasn’t used in the Gray incident. Stinson, who tracks the number of police officers arrested and charged around the U.S., says officers are more likely to be convicted in on-duty deaths when the incident does not involve a firearm.

Of the 48 cases Stinson has tracked since 2005 involving police-related deaths without a firearm, 61% resulted in a conviction. But of the 54 officers prosecuted in a death without a firearm, only 20% have led to charges, according to data compiled and analyzed by Stinson and the Washington Post. Thirty-nine percent of officers were not convicted and 35% of cases are still pending.

The most serious charges in Gray’s death have been brought against Officer Caesar R. Goodson, Jr., who was the driver of the police van carrying Gray. Goodson has been charged with second-degree murder, second-degree assault and three counts of manslaughter. No gun was involved.

“Courts are very reluctant to second-guess split-second decisions by officers when a gun is involved,” Stinson says. “But in these other cases, it’s not as easily explainable and they’re not willing to give the benefit of the doubt because they’re oftentimes so egregious.”

TIME Crime

Who is Marilyn J. Mosby? A Guide to the Baltimore State’s Attorney

Marilyn Mosby, Baltimore state's attorney, speaks during a media availability on May 1, 2015 in Baltimore.
Alex Brandon—AP Marilyn Mosby, Baltimore state's attorney, speaks during a media availability in Baltimore on May 1, 2015.

The 35-year-old prosecutor announced Friday that Freddie Gray's death was being treated as a homicide

Late last year, Marilyn J. Mosby was a young insurance company attorney attempting to unseat Baltimore’s state’s attorney. Now, she’s leading the case against six Baltimore officers charged with murder, manslaughter and assault in the death of 25-year-old Freddie Gray.

On Friday, Mosby—elected Baltimore City State’s Attorney last November—announced there was probable cause to charge police with murder in the death of Gray, a black man whose spine was severed after being detained near a West Baltimore housing project on April 12. Gray died a week later.

The 35-year-old attorney now finds herself at the center of an incident that has roiled Baltimore for weeks and renewed the nation’s focus on the intersection between race and policing.

In some ways, Mosby is an unlikely prosecutor to bring charges against police officers in the Gray case. Five generations of her family were all in law enforcement, and her grandfather was one of the first African-American police officers in Massachusetts. “I know that the majority of police officers are really hard-working officers who are risking their lives day in and day out, but those really bad ones who go rogue do a disservice to the officers who are risking their lives and taking time away from their families,” she told Baltimore Magazine in January.

Mosby was raised by a single mother in Boston, where in 1994 her 17-year-old cousin was killed near her home after being mistaken for a drug dealer. She was the first in her family to graduate from college and attended Tuskegee University in Alabama, studying political science. She later attended Boston College Law School and worked as assistant state’s attorney in the Baltimore City State’s Attorney’s office.

She was working as field counsel for Liberty Mutual Insurance when she decided to run for Baltimore’s state’s attorney, campaigning on a pledge to keep repeat offenders off the street and vowing to start a diversion program that would help young drug offenders avoid getting more serious criminal records. Her surprise victory in November over Gregg Bernstein, who had served one term as the city’s state’s attorney, made her the youngest chief prosecutor in a major U.S. city.

In the run-up to Gray’s charges, Mosby had been criticized for her lack of experience having never held elected office before, as well as a potential conflict of interest regarding her husband Nick, who is a city council member representing the neighborhood where Gray was arrested. Mosby has brushed off that criticism, saying that she doesn’t answer to the city council but by the constituents who elected her.

Still, Mosby was under significant pressure to bring about charges against the officers involved in Gray’s death after a series of violent protests that forced Mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake to bring in thousands of National Guard troops to keep the peace.

Now that charges have been brought, she’ll face yet more scrutiny — not least from Baltimore’s police union, which accused Mosby Friday of having a conflict of interest in this case due to her “close relationship” with the Gray family attorney. According to the Baltimore Sun, Billy Murphy, the Gray family’s attorney, gave Mosby $5,000 for her campaign and was part of her transition committee.

Back in January, Mosby acknowledged the long-standing problems between residents and the police, hoping she could help bridge that trust gap between residents and police. “There are barriers of distrust within the community and law enforcement,” she told Baltimore Magazine. “And we’ve got to find ways to bring down these barriers. It’s never been more evident than now, right?”

TIME Crime

New York Police Chief Defends ‘Broken Windows’ Policing

Broken store windows remain as members of the Anne Arundel County Police guard the intersection of North Avenue and Pennsylvania Avenue, on April 29, 2015, in Baltimore.
Patrick Semansky—AP Broken store windows remain as members of the Anne Arundel County Police guard the intersection of North Avenue and Pennsylvania Avenue, on April 29, 2015, in Baltimore.

But Commissioner Bill Bratton also said he would reform strategy of targeting low-level crimes

The New York Police Department issued a 41-page report Thursday attributing the city’s low levels of crime to the so-called “broken windows” strategy.

The year-long investigation defends the practice of misdemeanor arrests, Reuters reports — but New York City Police Commissioner Bill Bratton said on Thursday he would reform the practice of focusing on lower-level crimes, which has been called discriminatory by civil rights groups.

“We need a new form of quality-of-life broken windows policing,” he said.

The broken windows theory of policing holds that cracking down on petty crimes such as unruly behavior or vandalism creates a lawful environment that prevents worse crimes from happening. Bratton implemented zero tolerance policies inspired by the theory in New York City during the 1990s, a time when the crime rate dropped precipitously. But critics say that broken windows policing leads to racial profiling and overfilled jails.

The strategy came under scrutiny last summer when Eric Garner died following an incident with NYPD officers in Staten Island. Garner was accused of selling loose cigarettes and was detained by police, setting off weeks of protests over his death.

Similar charges have been made of the Baltimore Police Department following the death of Freddie Gray, who was detained after “making eye contact” with officers and running away. Gray, who died on April 19 from a severed spine, was carrying a switchblade.


TIME Courts

Santa Monica’s Ban On Nativity Display Upheld

In this Dec. 13, 2011 file photo, a woman walks past a two of the traditional displays showing the Nativity scene along Ocean Avenue at Palisades Park in Santa Monica, Calif.
Ringo H.W. Chiu—AP In this Dec. 13, 2011 file photo, a woman walks past a two of the traditional displays showing the Nativity scene along Ocean Avenue at Palisades Park in Santa Monica, Calif.

City did not violate the First Amendment, court says

The city of Santa Monica did not violate the First Amendment when it banned the display of nativity scenes in a city park, a federal appeals court unanimously ruled Thursday.

For years, the Santa Monica Nativity Scenes Committee erected Christmas dioramas in Palisades Park. But in 2011, a group of atheists was able to secure most of the spots in the park allowed by the city for holiday displays.

The following year, the committee and the atheists filed so many applications with the city that Santa Monica officials decided to shut down the process altogether.

The nativity committee sued the city on free speech grounds but a district judge ruled for the city in 2012. On Thursday, the U.S. Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled Thursday that the committee did not have a “viable claim” that the Santa Monica ban violated the constitution, according to the Los Angeles Times.

TIME Crime

What Really Happened to Freddie Gray? Here Are 4 Theories

Until the Baltimore police reveal the findings of their investigation, city residents can only speculate

Baltimore Police Commissioner Anthony Batts announced Thursday that an internal task force investigating the fatal injury of Freddie Gray in police custody gave its report to the state’s attorney a day early, while also revealing that a fourth stop was made by the police van carrying the 25-year-old.

The findings, however, won’t be publicly released immediately. What is known so far is that Gray was arrested on April 12 near a West Baltimore housing project and died from a severe spinal injury a week later. On Monday, protests erupted throughout the city, forcing Mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake to request a state of emergency, allowing thousands of National Guard troops to enter the city to keep the peace.

But the city is likely to remain on edge until the facts of Gray’s injury are made clear. Marilyn J. Mosby, state’s attorney for Baltimore, cautioned the public Thursday to be patient while the investigation is ongoing. “We ask for the public to remain patient and peaceful and to trust the process of the justice system,” she said.

In the meantime, various theories have emerged in the media and among Baltimore residents. Here are four of them:

Gray injured himself

On Thursday, the Washington Post reported that a fellow prisoner who was inside the transport van said Gray was “intentionally trying to injure himself” and he could hear Gray “banging against the walls.” The Post cites a police document obtained by the newspaper.

But that account has already been disputed. Local reporter Jayne Miller of WBAL-TV told MSNBC that “the medical evidence does not suggest at all that he was able to injure himself.”

“You can’t bang your head against the van, to injure yourself in a fatal way, without having a bloodier head,” she told MSNBC’s Morning Joe. “There is just no information that would corroborate that.”

Gray was given a “rough ride”

Those who believe Gray was injured while being transported point to a history of so-called “rough rides” by Baltimore police.

Rough rides are unsanctioned techniques that have apparently been used to injure prisoners, according to a variety of lawsuits. Since 2004, two residents — Dondi Johnson and Jeffrey Alston — have been awarded millions of dollars after being paralyzed from a police van ride.

The Baltimore Sun recently reported on Christine Abbott, who is suing the city after a ride which police were “braking really short so that I would slam against the wall, and they were taking really wide, fast turns,” she told the Sun. “I couldn’t brace myself. I was terrified.”

Police have stated that Gray was not buckled in during the ride.

Police injured Gray before he was put in the van

The official Baltimore police report said Gray was detained without the use of force, but new reports suggest that he was injured during the arrest itself.

CNN reports that a relative of one of the officers said that the unnamed officer believes Gray while he was being detained. “He believes that Freddie Gray was injured outside the paddy wagon,” the relative, who also remained anonymous, told CNN.

Video showing Gray being dragged to the police while screaming and appearing limp also suggests some kind of injury during his arrest, though it’s far from clear how serious. Kevin Moore, a bystander who caught part of the incident on video, told the Baltimore Sun that police placed their heels in Gray’s back and “folded him up like a crab.” He said one officer put his knee in Gray’s neck and that Gray was complaining that he couldn’t breathe.

Gray was somehow injured during the van’s four stops

Police had said previously that the van made three stops with Gray inside — and revealed a fourth had been made on Thursday. At the first stop, he was placed in leg irons, according to police. A second stop was made “to deal with Mr. Gray.” A third stop was made to add a second prisoner, during which Gray was found on the floor of the van and was asking for medical assistance, one officer said. What happened during the fourth stop that police revealed on Thursday is, like the circumstances of Gray’s injury, a mystery.

TIME baltimore

Baltimore’s Mayor Under Fire

America 1968 Baltimore Riots 2015 Time Magazine Cover
Photograph by Devin Allen

Stephanie Rawlings-Blake talks to TIME about why Baltimore erupted, her handling of the crisis and the "thugs" comment

Why did Baltimore explode the way it did?

Baltimore has a long and challenging history with issues of trust or mistrust between the community and the police department. You layer that on to an in-custody death. You layer on opportunists who are looking to co-opt the raw emotion of a community for their own benefit. It makes Baltimore vulnerable and so many other places around the country vulnerable.

How would you say you’ve handled this crisis?

I have to focus on running my city, and that’s what I’m doing. When I look in the mirror, I’m very comfortable with who I see. I’m comfortable with how we’ve responded in very, very challenging times.

Maryland Governor Larry Hogan said he activated the National Guard “30 seconds” after you requested them. Did you get the sense that he was waiting on you?

I got the sense that the governor didn’t have a full understanding of all things that were being put in place. When we are in the midst of dealing with an issue, you have to be very judicious about the use of the National Guard. They’re viewed by the community as a sign of militarization. They’re viewed by many as a sign of escalation of an incident.

Has being a black mayor working alongside a black police commissioner made dealing with this situation any easier?

Do I look like I’m having an easy time? I think it would be hard to take a look at the week that I’ve had to suggest that it’s easier. I can say, for somebody that has grown up in Baltimore and has experienced the pain of loss from the violence that we’ve seen in our streets and has been concerned about my brother and his friends being profiled negatively because they were young black men, I get it.

You found your brother after he was stabbed in a carjacking years ago. Do you see parallels between what happened to him and what happened in the riots?

The kids that did this were the same age of the kids that you saw out there, 15 and 16. And you just–it’s so important that we get this right for our kids that they don’t continue to make these types of devastating mistakes in their life.

But you made comments about “thugs” looting the city and “giving those who wished to destroy space to do that.” Do you regret saying those things now?

I wish I could say that I was a person that never made any mistakes. But I’m not. I’m human. And in the heat of the moment, I said something. I joked and said it was my anger interpreter that was speaking over my shoulder.

But like I said, I’m human. I make mistakes. Hopefully people see that I’m big enough to own ’em. I tried to explain the situation and how–calling the people thugs on that–but on the other thing, I tried to explain a situation and clearly did a poor job. Most of the people sitting in the room understood very clearly what I meant. But sometimes you can have the best of intentions, and I feel pretty decent, like I’m a pretty decent communicator. But you never know how those things–for the people who aren’t in the room, you don’t know how they’re going to be received. And the words that I chose didn’t really reflect my heart and what I meant to say. I would never give space for people to destroy our community.

Read next: The Roots of Baltimore’s Riot

This appears in the May 11, 2015 issue of TIME.

What’s Next for Baltimore

Protesters march near City Hall in Baltimore, on April 29, 2015, demonstrating against the death of Freddie Gray.
John Taggart—EPA Protesters march near City Hall in Baltimore, on April 29, 2015, demonstrating against the death of Freddie Gray.

The city faces systemic issues involving patterns of segregation and police mistrust

A citywide curfew that went into effect late Tuesday until early Wednesday brought calm to Baltimore in the wake of riots that spotlighted deep tension between police and the community and drew parallels to the unrest of 1968. But now that the city is picking up the pieces, thanks in part to thousands of National Guardsmen and law enforcement officers who will enforce the curfew for several more nights, the question for Baltimore officials and residents is how to prevent all this from happening again.

Protesters in Baltimore marched for several hours ahead of Wednesday night’s curfew at 10 p.m., at which time lines of law enforcement officers and others in armored vehicles set out to keep the streets clear until 5 a.m. Elsewhere, in New York City and Washington, D.C., large groups of demonstrators amassed in shows of support for Baltimore and against police brutality.

Monday’s violence arose from rising tensions following the April 19 death of Freddie Gray, 25, who suffered a severe spinal injury after a confrontation with police a week earlier. Gray’s death became the latest instance of a black man’s death at the hands of a law enforcement officer reigniting the national conversation about race and police force, just as other incidents in South Carolina, Ferguson and New York City, among others, had done since last summer.

To avoid widespread protests and incidents like what occurred with Gray, experts say Baltimore will likely need to address several long-standing issues: the patterns of segregation that still exist throughout the city; the lack of opportunity in predominantly black neighborhoods; and the long-standing mistrust between police and minorities.

Baltimore has a history and pattern of racial segregation that began more than a century ago, and its shadows still linger. In 1910, the city adopted a policy mandating that black residents couldn’t live on a block where more than half the residents were white. While the policy was later struck down as unconstitutional, Baltimore remains starkly divided along similar racial lines that originate from those socioeconomic boundaries.

Gray was arrested in one of the poorest neighborhoods, Sandtown-Winchester. A fifth of its residents are unemployed and a third of its homes sit vacant. It has about twice as many liquor stores as the city average, according to a 2011 report by the Baltimore City Health Department, and 25% of juveniles living there were arrested between 2005 and 2009.

“It’s one of the most disinvested neighborhoods in our city,” says Lawrence Brown, a community activist and professor of health policy at Morgan State University.

Baltimore’s Inner Harbor, meanwhile, is bustling with shops and tourist attractions. Seema Iyer, a University of Baltimore economics professor, says the areas around the Inner Harbor grew by about 15% to 20% between 2000 and 2010. Still, it is predominantly white.

Mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake has focused on lowering the property tax rate to lure homeowners into the city while also implementing a tax on soda bottles to help fund reinvestment of public schools. It’s all part of her goal to bring 10,000 families new families into Baltimore by 2020.

“You have to have a broader tax base to have a sustainable city,” says Bill Cole, president of the Baltimore Development Corporation.

But the problem is that most people moving to the city aren’t looking to relocate into neighborhoods that could benefit the most from new businesses setting up or families moving in.

“There’s still gross underdevelopment where Mr. Gray is from,” says Jamal Bryant, pastor of the Empowerment Temple AME Church in Baltimore. “Rome isn’t built in a day, but we at least want to get to Venice to see some levels of progress in these urban centers.”

The city has instituted a program called Vacants to Value in which the city buys up properties, refurbishes them and attempts to resell them. There are 16,000 vacant home within Baltimore; city officials acknowledge they have demolished or rehabilitated 3,000 so far, but experts say many residents don’t want to live in those properties even if they’re refurbished.

“The unfortunate thing is there is no demand for them,” says Barbara Samuels, a lawyer for the ACLU of Maryland, who has worked on housing issues. Samuels says the city should provide more opportunities for people to leave those neighborhoods and “go to an area that’s not racially or economically segregated.”

Baltimore’s population, which steadily declined for decades, appears to have stabilized in recent years, settling in at around 600,000. But the poorest neighborhoods have remained stagnant, or even declined.

Those patterns of segregation and a divide between haves and have-nots have led to years of animosity between residents and police. Last year, the Baltimore Sun reported the city had paid out almost $6 million between 2011 and 2014 to residents, many of them black, that police officers had abused. The city has paid out $45 million for “rough rides” in police vans, like what many believe occurred with Gray, following two incidents in which those arrested were paralyzed.

Another problem may stem from the fact that only a quarter of Baltimore police actually live in the city, one of the lowest rates in the country, according to Census data analyzed by FiveThirtyEight. The rest live either in Baltimore County or out of the state, and that can have an unintended effect on how police do their jobs. Some local activists are pushing for the police department to recruit more officers from within the city, believing it could change how local residents interact with the officers patrolling their neighborhoods” on the police from out of town

“Police used to know everything on the block. The people who did hair, the people who had the best gossip,” says Cortley Witherspoon, a Baltimore religious leader and social activist. “But now, people are coming in with culture shock. We need to make sure officers come from the city that they are patrolling.”

City Council President Jack Young says he believes that each officer for the first two years on the job should reside in Baltimore. “They should live in the city,” he adds, simply.

One change that could potentially help Baltimore heal is if residents start to feel that police are being held accountable for their actions.

“You have to have justice where people who have committed these kinds of acts are fired,” says Brown, of Morgan State. “The city is settling time and time again instead of punishing these officers. There is a history of violence in this police department, but they’re never held accountable.”

The city’s first test on that count will come Friday, when police will turn over its investigation into Gray’s death to the state’s attorney general. A second test could come the next day, when a rally is expected to draw thousands of people back into the streets.

TIME cities

Baltimore Mayor Defends Handling of Riots

Stephanie Rawlings-Blake talks to TIME about criticism of how she handled the riots that erupted Monday

Barely 24 hours after the city she leads was engulfed in a spasm of violent riots, Baltimore Mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake defended her handling of the crisis in an interview with TIME.

“I’m not green to these types of issues. I’ve been mayor for five years. I’ve led a city. And directed a police department. I know how to use resources. We’ve done it and we responded to protests,” she said Tuesday evening, hours before police began enforcing the first night of a week-long 10 p.m. to 5 a.m. curfew. “I’m comfortable with how we’ve responded in very, very challenging times.”

MORE: Baltimore Mom Explains Why She Smacked Son at Riot

As Rawlings-Blake spoke inside City Hall, some of the 2,000 National Guard troops mobilized by Maryland Governor Larry Hogan were stationed outside the building. Hogan deployed the soldiers Monday night after rioting broke out following the funeral of Freddie Gray, 25, who died on April 19 after sustaining an injury in police custody. But Hogan made clear that he was ready to do so earlier had the mayor requested, and implied that Rawlings-Blake was unreachable during a critical stretch as the riots were escalating. The remarks were among a series of incidences that highlighted the frosty relationship between the Republican governor and the Democratic mayor.

Rawlings-Blake fired back at Hogan on Tuesday. The governor “didn’t have a full understanding of all things that were being put in place,” she told TIME. “When we are in the midst of dealing with an issue, you have to be very judicious about the use of the National Guard. They’re viewed by the community as a sign of militarization. They’re viewed by many as a sign of escalation of an incident.”

Rawlings-Blake said she asked Hogan to activate the Guard only when the situation was more than city police and their reinforcements from other neighboring agencies could handle. “When it was very clear that the situation was changing and changing fast and we needed people that had the authority to hold ground while we went into do the enforcement,” she said, “that’s when we called them.”

Read next: The Pain of Watching Baltimore Burn—Again


Baltimore Mourns Freddie Gray as Officials Call for Reforms

Gloria Darden, mother of Freddie Gray, is embraced before her son's funeral at New Shiloh Baptist Church in Baltimore on April 27, 2015.
Brendan Smialowski—AFP/Getty Images Gloria Darden, mother of Freddie Gray, is embraced before her son's funeral at New Shiloh Baptist Church in Baltimore on April 27, 2015.

The service was part remembrance, part political protest

Hundreds of mourners attended an often emotional funeral on Monday for Freddie Gray, the 25-year-old man whose death in police custody on April 19 has ignited protests around the city and spurred calls for police reforms.

The two-hour ceremony was part remembrance, part political protest, and featured national civil rights leaders and family members of several black men who have died in police-related deaths. Below projected screens reading “Black Lives Matter & All Lives Matter” sat Gray’s body in a white shirt, pants and shoes inside a white casket.

Along with the prayers and sermons came calls for change. Billy Murphy, the Gray family’s lawyer, urged the police to adopt body cameras. Maryland Democratic Rep. Elijah Cummings said Baltimore would not rest until incidents like Freddie Gray’s death no longer happened. Rev. Jesse Jackson reminded those attending that “the White House is watching. The whole world is watching,” while saying that violence distracts the city from making real change.

Jackson also urged officials to focus on bringing change to low-income neighborhoods like the one surrounding Gilmor Homes, where Gray was arrested on April 12. He died a week later from a severe spinal injury.

The most dramatic moments at Monday’s ceremony came from Jamal Bryant, a prominent Baltimore preacher, who electrified those in attendance by pledging that “Freddie’s dead is not in vain.”

“After this day, we’re going to keep on marching,” Bryant said, urging the city’s young black men to take action to help change some of the city’s most impoverished neighborhoods. “I don’t know how you can be black in America and be silent.” He finished by leading a call-and-response of “No justice, no peace,” which the city’s protesters have routinely chanted.

Will Perkins, a 28-year-old resident of West Baltimore who attended the funeral to “be a part of it”, said that the violent protests seen on television in the last few days represented only a small fraction of the mostly peaceful demonstrations throughout the city.

He described the relationship between police officers and residents of his West Baltimore neighborhood as essentially non-existent. “There’s no communication between police and the community,” he said. “They’re not helping us. They don’t get out of their cars. They don’t help. And I feel like if it doesn’t change, it’s going to be a riot. If nothing good comes out of this, then it’s going to get bad.”

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