• World
  • South Africa

South Africa’s State of Nation Address Has Become a Carnival that Avoids Country’s Real Problems

6 minute read
Updated: | Originally published: ;

Social Media can be an effective tool for a president wanting to stay in touch with his citizens. It can also be a potent, and public, amplifier of criticism, as South African President Jacob Zuma learned to his dismay this week. In advance of his annual State of the Nation address Zuma invited the public to suggest themes using the hashtag ‪#‎SONA2015. The most tweeted topic? His resignation:

“Pay Back the Money” is likely to echo through the chambers of Parliament as well, when Zuma takes the stage on the evening of Feb. 12. For the past three years his office has been embroiled in the so-called “Nkandlagate” scandal, in which he has been charged with using $21 million in public funds to remodel his homestead in the rural town of Nkandla. The renovations were billed as “security upgrades” but included a private military hospital, a helicopter landing pad and the installation of a swimming pool. Zuma says that he was unaware of the improvements being made at his residence.

Zuma has avoided Parliament since August, when a rabble-rousing minority party, the Economic Freedom Fighters, heckled him from the stage with questions about when he would repay the money. The speaker of the house was forced to close down the question and answer period and eventually called in the police to subdue the wayward parliamentarians.

The EFF has vowed to repeat their performance at the State of the Nation address, raising fears that security will be called in once again, this time broadcast primetime on national television. South Africa’s Sunday Times newspaper reported that parliamentary security staff had been sent to self-defense classes in preparation for the address. (Parliamentary officials stated that the training was routine.) Meanwhile, the opposition Democratic Alliance has pitched a snit of its own, refusing to attend the traditional post-speech gala cocktail party on the grounds that at a cost of $382,000 it is a waste of taxpayer money. The deputy speaker of the National Assembly responded that he would bill the DA for empty seats, because it was too late to recoup the catering costs.

What would be a yawn-worthy event in any other circumstance has riveted the nation, says Frans Cronje, head of the Institute of Race Relations, South Africa’s oldest think-tank. “For the first time South Africans will watch the state of the nation address. This will beat anything else on TV.” One newspaper has even published rules for a drinking game to go with the speech. The pomp and pageantry of the annual address easily lends itself to ridicule. Complete with a red carpet, paparazzi and parliamentarians dressed to the nines (last year one minister showed up in a pilot’s uniform, even though he didn’t have a license), it is “the closest thing South Africa has to the Academy Awards,” says John Endres, CEO of the Johannesburg-based Good Governance Africa policy group.

But the circus-like atmosphere of this years’ address obscures some of the country’s deeper realities, few of which are likely to be covered in depth during the president’s speech. South Africa’s crippled power utility is struggling to meet demand after 20 years of neglect, resulting in rolling blackouts that are likely to last for several months. The power shortage has hobbled investment and curtailed growth in Africa’s most industrialized economy. On Tuesday the Rand fell to its weakest level in 13 years. While the overall unemployment rate decreased slightly last year, the country’s youth unemployment rate shot up to 52.6 percent, the highest in the continent, according to a new report by Good Governance Africa. “South Africa’s youth remain trapped, dependent on hand-outs and unable to improve their lives,” said Karen Hasse, a GGA researcher. “Without better education and business-friendly policies to encourage economic growth and employment, the country’s youth face a hopeless future.”

Zuma may touch on the power crisis and unemployment — it would be hard not to — but there is little he can do without fundamental policy changes, none of which appear forthcoming, says Cronje. “The government is running out of money to run the country. They can’t borrow any more because the debt to GDP ratio has doubled in five years, and they can’t reduce expenditures,” for fear of inciting unrest. Violent protests have become a near daily occurrence, over jobs, schooling, medical care and illegal immigrants. “For the first time since 1994 (the end of apartheid) we are seeing a real pick up in the hiring of riot control police officers.” The EFF spectacle in parliament is nothing compared to what South Africa has in store, he warns. “I wonder to what extent Zuma understands this or is interested in it. We are not seeing in his policies the types of moves that will draw investment to drive growth.”

Of course, state of the nation addresses are not where policy is made. In the case of South Africa, the occasion has become a platform for a populist party on the rise. “The EFF has nothing to lose,” says Enders, of Good Governance Africa. “They have been very smart at generating attention, and highlighting the weaknesses of the current system.” But what is good for the EFF, may not be so good for South Africa. “It’s a bit of a crisis, actually,” says Enders, speaking of the possibility that security forces may have to be called in if heckling gets out of hand. “Using the police to stop people from speaking in parliament is infringing on freedom of speech. But freedom of speech comes with rules that are meant to keep discourse civilized and allow the proper exchange of ideas. So what should be done if the EFF doesn’t follow those rules?” South Africa’s 2015 State of the Nation Address may be billed as spectacle, but it could turn into something much more serious.

Correction: The original version of this story misstated the number of State of the Nation speeches Zuma has given. It is the 6th.

Read next: See the Photos That Gave Americans Their First Glimpse of Apartheid in 1950

The Photos That Gave Americans Their First Glimpse of Apartheid in 1950

South African Essay
Caption from LIFE. Gold miners nos. 1139 and 5122, both Mndaus, stand sweating in 95 degree heat of a tunnel in Johannesburg's Robinson deep mine, more than a mile underground.Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
South African Essay
Gold miners, wearing helmets and very high knee pads, perspire heavily while walking in 95 degree heat to their jobs, working in a dangerous area in Robinson Deep mine tunnel, more than a mile underground.Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
South African Essay
Caption from LIFE. Miner's barrack at the Robinson Deep mine provides concrete bunks for as many as 40 men in a single room. Barracks like this are usually kept clean and orderly. But penning men together away from families is a system that breeds homosexuality.Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
South African Essay
South Africans holding a "STOP POLICE TERROR" banner listen to a speaker during a Communist meeting. The Communist Party of South Africa was a small but influential opposition group. It was especially active in labor organizing. It was an inter-racial organization, some of whose African members were also members of the African National Congress.Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
South African Essay
During a Communist meeting, carpenter Phillip Mbhele, wearing "WE DON'T WANT PASSES" tag, angrily speaks against the white Afrikaner's pass system, which requires all Natives to carry one or more passes. Passes were a kind of internal passport that Africans had to carry anytime they were outside of the so-called Native Reserves. They were universally hated as symbols of dispossession.Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
111425379.jpg
Black children with "EDUCATE THE CHILDREN AND SAVE THE RACE" banner sing a song during an event at Sophiatown Native Location. Sophiatown was a racially mixed but mostly black neighborhood near central Johannesburg. It had achieved near-legendary status as a center of black culture and politics from the 1930 to the '50s. The government bulldozed it in the mid-50s and moved its residents to Soweto, on the far outskirts of town. Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
111443393.jpg
Young dwellers of a shanty-town stand at the fence that marks the boundaries of their home. Shanty-towns like this one, on the outskirts of Johannesburg, were formed by homeless black squatters with nowhere else to go.Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
111253206.jpg
Women in South West Africa (now Namibia), which was then governed by South Africa. The women's dress was modeled, in part, on the clothing of German missionary wives.Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
111414191.jpg
Poor native woman fills a can with water at public faucets set up in the middle of Moroka, which housed 60,000 black workers on the outskirts of town. The Moroka township, established in 1947 as a place to relocate Africans away from central Johannesburg, was known for its appalling conditions.Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
111442169.jpg
Young workers in South Africa, circa 1950.Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
111442182.jpg
Young workers in South Africa, circa 1950.Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
111441790.jpg
View of barefoot miners as they sit over the edge of a landing that overlooks a courtyard in the Robinson Deep mine compound in Johannesburg, South Africa.Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
111443370.jpg
A young farm worker drinks his "tot," the wine that comprised part of his wages and also led, for many, to alcoholism.Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
111442068.jpg
Two men at a bar. Alcoholism, a result of the tot system, was a major problem among farm workers.Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
111414097.jpg
A man drinking in South Africa, circa 1950.Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
111442411.jpg
The roots of the Tot System, which led to problems with alcoholism, go back to the days of slavery. Settler farmers provided tots of wine periodically throughout the day to their slaves to induce dependency as a form of control. After emancipation, workers were paid partly in wine for the same reason.Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
111253154.jpg
Native Tembu woman putting on colored clay makeup.Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
South African Essay
Native Tembu woman putting on colored clay makeup as her baby and other women look on, in a village on a reserve on the country's southeast coast.Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
111442440.jpg
From Margaret Bourke-White's 1950 photo essay, "South Africa and Its Problem."Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
South African Essay
Grape pickers working at the farm Ryssel, April 1950.Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
South African Essay
Caption from LIFE: TOT SYSTEM lets cape winegrowers pay workers partly in "tots" of wine. Here, a farmer's daughter serves a noonday ration to a boy working in the field.Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
111442127.jpg
African native miners digging in the mine workings to remove diamond-bearing gravel from marine terraces where it is deposited, South West Africa.Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
111253157.jpg
Native Pondos tribesmen recruits for Johannesburg gold mines waiting next to passenger train as they prepare to embark at railroad station.Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
South African Essay
Caption from LIFE. A black protest is chalked on wall outside the Johannesburg city hall by resentful Native.Margaret Bourke-White—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
September 18, 1950, LIFE Magazine
September 18, 1950, LIFE MagazineLIFE Magazine
September 18, 1950, LIFE Magazine
September 18, 1950, LIFE MagazineLIFE Magazine
September 18, 1950, LIFE Magazine
September 18, 1950, LIFE MagazineLIFE Magazine
September 18, 1950, LIFE Magazine
September 18, 1950, LIFE MagazineLIFE Magazine
September 18, 1950, LIFE Magazine
September 18, 1950, LIFE MagazineLIFE Magazine
September 18, 1950, LIFE Magazine
September 18, 1950, LIFE MagazineLIFE Magazine
September 18, 1950, LIFE Magazine
September 18, 1950, LIFE MagazineLIFE Magazine
September 18, 1950, LIFE Magazine
September 18, 1950, LIFE MagazineLIFE Magazine
September 18, 1950, LIFE Magazine
September 18, 1950, LIFE MagazineLIFE Magazine

Listen to the most important stories of the day.

More Must-Reads from TIME

Contact us at letters@time.com