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# Google Hangout: Debating the Debate with TIME's Politics Team

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## Video: Google  Hangout: Debating the Debate with TIME's Politics Team

[Watch (HLS stream): Google  Hangout: Debating the Debate with TIME's Politics Team](https://cdn.jwplayer.com/manifests/nce79Pfo.m3u8) (22:03)

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_Published 2012-10-23. TIME's Politics team talks about the third and final Presidential debate_


---

Jul 27, 2023 3:28 PM UTC

---

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---


## Transcript

[ SOUND ] Hey everyone, I'm, my name's Adam Sorenson. I'm the Politics Editor at Time. com and today we're talking about the last presidential debate which happened last night. Joining me from the Washington Bureau is Senior Correspondent Michael Crowley and State Department Correspondent Damon Small. And from his New York office is TV Critic, Jim Poniewozik. Welcome, guys. Thanks. So I think the best place to start one of the things that struck me about the debate was that they shifted away from foreign policy after about half an hour and spent a lot of time surprising amount of time, not most of the debate but a few minutes on domestic policy.

And so I'm wondering what you guys think how much do American voters really care about foreign policy. Well I think that that shifts is your answer Adam. The campaigns I, I think clearly understand that it's a pretty low priority compared to the economy. and, you know, foreign policy issues can be kind of esoteric and get quite dull, particularly when there was as little contrast as there was last night. So I think that, the number of times the, the conversation moved to domestic policy, and you know, teachers cars was a reflection of the fact that the election's not gonna be decided on foreign policy.

And, and actually, I thought the most interesting thing about that was the degree in which there was, it, for a while it seemed like they were having an almost explicit argument about the state of Ohio. You know, conversation about China You know, turned into basically a discussion about trade and I think manufacturing was at the heart of that and, and, and also the auto bailout. And I think that, you know, this election is probably gonna come down to to, to the state of Ohio and I think that, that's where the conversation went. And I think that is what people care about. Do you, do you think that it was Bob Schieffer, the moderators job to keep them more on topic, or did you, did you like the way that he kind of let them go off on those tangents.

I, I, I think that, that Schieffer was not steamrolled as, as, as badly as Jim Lehrer. in, in the first debate. But I, I, I think that there s, there seem to be an, an example with, with both of them of these sort of, I don't know, elder statesmen anchors who maybe just, [ LAUGH ] remember a time when all it takes was a little more gentlemanly or something like that. I was, I was struck by something that, that Schieffer said this morning that that. She was, she was surprised that the that the candidates went off- topic and started talking about domestic, policy rather than foreign policy. An I, I don't cover politics for a living, but, I mean, I wasn't surprised at all.

I, I followed the election. I know, you know, what messages they want to get out there. And I also know that you know, it seems pretty much the way that, you know. Politics worst is that you, you sort of seize the moment to deliver whatever message you want to deliver. so, so I wouldn't say that it was, it was a terrible that The debate wigged off in those directions. the, in, in, in that, you know, it a lot of that material was probably something that was of more interest to the home audience, but, You know, I guess the larger point is that Schieffer really didn't seem to be controlling the debate or keeping even that discussion on point much, you know, one way or the other.

I mean, I just think that there was, there was a marked contrast between him and Jim Lehrer and say Martha Raddatz in the vice presidential debate yh, who got into the mix of the discussion. Who asked follow- ups. Who asked specific questions. There was a lot, again with Lehrer and Schieffer that was sort of Libya. So, tell me what you think, you know that you know, Syria. Tell me what you think we should be doing and that just amounts to recite two minutes of your stump speech now please. and, you know, I'll be sitting back if you need me. So of the foreign policy issues they did discuss I noticed kind of a theme.

Romney talked about wanting a peaceful world. Obama kept criticizing Romney for supposedly wanting to leave troops in Iraq forever. Jay, do you think that war weariness is, is, is kind of the is. Is that something that both the candidates are picking up on and is something that is important in this election. Well it was striking to me last night. I mean if you was sort of an alien and you dropped in. And you were sure watching this debate. You would think that Romney is the democrat and Obama is the republican because Obama You know, Romney was so dovish. And Obama was so hawkish on all this stuff and that was clearly a calculated move on Romney's part to the middle.

Certainly to appeal to moderate voters and independent voters particularly women who, you know, are, are I guess by nature more generally dovish. That said. Obama was sort of much hotter. You know, in terms of being sort of patronizing and harsh on Romney, and sort of saying, you don't really know what you're talking about. But it was really striking how much Romney agreed with Obama. I mean, the number of times where he said, I agree. You know, made the example Glenn Beck sort of questioned on Twitter afterwards, why should I vote for you Romney if you're essentially representing the same foreign policy as Obama.

so, I mean they really, the only diff, I mean he sort of differentiated himself mostly on style and not on substance. I would say it in a different way. I represent America in a different way. I would sell America in a different way. But on substance over and over again, I mean even when he was retreating from long held positions like for example, in Afghanistan where he's long said that he wouldn't you know, commit to a 2014 withdraw timeline that he would listened to what the generals have to say. And he would do what the genearals say. And this time, he actually backed off that position. And said, actually, I'll, I'll agree to a 2014 timeline.

Or in Syria. He went from being you know in his veterans of form war speech. Much more bullish on Syria. Much more hawkish. In through talking about giving weapons to the opposition to saying no I would never get in involved with he war in Syria. A hands down. You know I might help arm the opposition but that's about it. I would never you know do a no fly zone over Syria. So he really touched the left of Obama on a lot of these issues and, and was very, very moderate. And that clearly is his calculation that he needs to appeal to moderate voters and that's the people he was looking for. Okay, can I throw in a question actually.

To the the, the folks here. sort, sort of pivoting off Jays comment. You, you know, which I noticed that Romney was, was, you know, if anything sort of attacking to the left of, of Obama. It, it seemed to me, again as somebody who doesn't mainly cover politics. Ah, but has watched the debates a sort of similar to Romney's sudden moderate turn in the first debate and what I was thinking was just this was [ UNKNOWN ] I wonder if you think it all this for [ UNKNOWN ] strategy or thinking on the part of Romney's campaign that basically we can win a no action that lasts about a month. And that election's gonna start on October 3rd.

And it's gonna involve a, a, a moderate run. Because they, they could of you know, gone moderate after he secured the nomination. They could have done it over the summer. They coulda done it at the convention. It seemed very deliberate to do it suddenly About a month away from the election, at the debates. And I'm just wondering if you have any thought about the, you know, the strategic thinking about how the debates fit into their strategy for them. Well, Carl you're in Boston, so do you want to take this? Well, I, you know, I think that's a really interesting question. I don't know how deliberate it was I think that's an interesting theory.

You know another way to think about it is, to ask whether they're responding to effective attacks. So, for instance, Romney's rhetoric on his tax plan. In the first debate, you know, became very moderate. And he presented is tax plan as, you know, not lowering taxes for the wealthy. You know. Closing loopholes and deductions, but, you know, basically doing this in sort of a A fair way that's not a giveaway to the rich. You know you could also read that as a response to what I think we're mounting ineffective attacks by the Obama campaign and by the left generally, on the tax plan which became an increasing focus of the democratic campaign.

And things like the fund raising video where Romney was talking about the 47 % and I think, again. Sort of effective shots at him as seeming interested only in helping out the wealthy and not anyone else. On foreign policy you know the morning, yesterday morning, before the debate, Obama, the Obama campaign released a new ad that pretty much, that suggested that Romney had wanted to extend the war. In Iraq, that he, he called it tragic, that Obama had pulled, all American forces out. That he you know, had a longer slower timeline on Afghanistan. So, you saw the beginnings of a democratic effort, to, paint him as a kind of, you know, to use the kind of power, a war monger, you know, somebody who wanted endless war.

So the question is, where warning was responding to those attacks. Specifically having seen that they were doing him damage or whether they had a precooked plan to [ UNKNOWN ] in the final month. I just don't know the answer to that. I don't know what the rationale would be for waiting until the last minute except that I suppose you would open yourself to this kind of Romnesia attack that we're hearing from Obama. You would, you would By, by moderating your positions, you make yourself a target for being a flip- flopper, and you give Democrats more time to attack you on that front. But I think it's just as possible that he's responding to some individual where she's here.

I mean, how much moderation on foreign policy itself really happened, right? I mean, a lot of it was rhetorical and stylistic, maybe. But they do agree on a lot of foreign policy issues as Jay said right Well, I mean they did agree last night certainly the number of time Romney said I agree was striking. But I mean to be fair I think he did tech noticeably on policy to the left of Obama. These are policy, especially Afghanistan, that's a policy position he has held for months. And, to suddenly, sort of, say at the end of, you know, the last, sort of, doings of the debate in of the of the campaign to say that you're no longer gonna listen to generals, you are committed to a hard timeline, is pretty striking.

also, you know, in terms of Syria, it is a retreat from his previous comments where he really did say that you know he said over and over again that Obama has cost the lives of 30, 000 innocents in Syria. That he hasn't done enough to help them in Syria. And now he's saying that he wouldn't essentially get involved in Syria and so you know like. He's previously, especially rhetorically gone to the right of Obama on a, on a lot of these issues. Iran, Israel and, and this time around he is much softer and rhetorically speaking, but also policy- wise as well. So I mean it was a very sort of. I don't know how calculated it was, but it seemed quite calculated.

Moved to the left of Obama. Moved to being much more dubbish, I think it's mostly tonal though. It's the same thing with the tax plan. Romney didn't change his tax plan. A lot of people came out of that first debate thinking he had rolled out a new tax plan. I twas just his presentation and the language he used to described it. It's the same tax plan had all along [ INAUDIBLE ] I'm not sure that Romney had ever said that he was going to military intervene in, in Syria. I, I don't know that I heard a shift in policy last night. I mean certainly, I mean the Afghanistan policy is the hardest pivot that he had.

But I mean, Syria, if, it is more terminal certainly. But I mean, he just, the language that he was using on Syria was much, much more I don't wanna get involved in the war. I don't wanna be a war monger. Killing is never the solution. versus, you know. Last time where, even the last debate when they talked about Syria, where he was much more sort of saying, Obama's not doing enough, we need to get more involved in Syria. So. Addle can I just jump in and say Jay reminded me of something that I, had a real bee in my bonnet about last night. Which was that, you know, both these guys were saying, we don't want any more wars, Obama is taking credit for ending the war in Iraq and drawing down in Afghanistan.

Romney's essentially agreeing, Romney is saying we don't want another Iraq, we don't want another Afghanistan. You know, it was kind of the John Lennon debate in that respect. And yet, here are two guys saying Iran will not get a nuclear weapon on my watch. Under no circumstances. It's not going to happen. It's totally unacceptable. And, there's a real dissodence there, because, although there is a, hopefully, good chance that sanctions will work. And, that we'll be able to negotiate a solution with Iran. I think there's a very good chance, it's gonna require military action to stop Iran from developing a bomb.

And both these guys are implicitely saying, we will go to war over this. And I, and, and, you know, to go back to, to what Jim was saying about Jim about Bob Schieffer being kind of passive and quiet. I would love to have seen him interject and question him on that because it, it really seems to be an under appreciated issue in this campaign. That this factor of another at least military action, if not war, in the Middle East is, is not so far around the corner and, and, and, and no, we're not really taking about it in any detail beyond these euphemisms of Stand With Israel. You know, a Iranian nuclear weapon is unacceptable.

And, and there's a real dissonance between these pledges of peace and nation building here at home and, and, you know, the saber that's on the table. Right. I mean, Iran was discussed briefly, as you said, and mostly stylistically. Did you guys think that there were major issues that were neglected in the debate? You know, I noticed that. Obviously, middle east is, is, is very important for many reasons. Yeah. Today, we're going to spend a lot of the time on that. But did you feel they neglected Europe, other regions of the world? Oh sure. They neglected all just as somebody who you know, owns a globe.

You know, there was not a lot of Europe except in references to Greece. There was you know, you didn't have India, I think I remember. Maybe Obama mentioning Africa once Latin America I think kind of figures significantly in our hemisphere but was, was not hearing a lot about that. Climate change likewise. No, you sort of get this sense that you know. Even to the extent that the debate was supposedely about foreign policy. That there, there's kind of, we, we have kind of this you know that the classic Newyorker map where you know Manhattan is 90 percent of the screen. And I, I think of the mental Newyoker map of, of, the world.

As seen by the debates. The Middle East, covers like, 90 % of the globe. And you know, that's what you're really talking about, when you're talking about the world, whcih you know. By the way. I think is, is unfortunate, both in terms of you knwo, you're just having candidates. Say things they've said before. And agree on things that they've agreed on before. and, and you're, you're Tell you about Europe would be a way to legitimately talk about forgein policy. And talk about the economy. The economy has you know, some relation to ours, as we've been hearing lately. And yet, I'm sorta surprised that, neither, [ INAUDIBLE ] or no other candidates, really went there.

I think, owning a globe might make you more qualified to run for President and some other people, who have run their hat in, in the last couple of years. [ LAUGH ] so, Make sure everyone did. [ LAUGH ] Right. Herman Cain comes to mind. [ LAUGH ] Yeah. Speaking of [ CROSSTALK ] We've heard nothing about his Becky, Becky, Becky stand. No. [ LAUGH ] That's strange. [ CROSSTALK ] Gregious oversite. [ LAUGH ] Speaking of the last of the year, now, now that the debates have wrapped up, you know, I was thinking at one point last night It's, I mean, it's always, it's always silly to try to declare a winner.

But it's also really hard, I though both, the first debate aside, where Obama was kinda sleepy, I though both Obama and Romney were effective in all three debates. And I just want to get your thoughts on where this ranks in past years. Were, were these very good debates? I mean, you can talk about the moderators too, but I felt that both candidates were pretty good at this. But [ INAUDIBLE ], I think Jim can probably speak better to this than me, but I was struck, I mean having covered That the, the Kerry Bush debates and also the debates last year between Obama and McCain, that I mean, the formats in those previous cycles were, were really about not letting the candidates engage with one another.

And so it was keeping them separate. And so they weren't allowed to sort of directly question each other and you and it was so they become literally a series of talking points. And so the moderator would ask a question and Bush would answer it. And then you know, give his talking point, and then Kerry would give his talking points and that would be it. There wasn't a lot of contention and there wasn't a lot of Sort of action and they were incredibly sort of boring. And so I thought this cycle is much more interesting and dynamic because the candidates were allowed to engage with one another. And in fact you know, got up and the second debate and roamed around the stage with one another and pointing you know, fingers at one another.

And that was the closest those candidates had gotten to each other, two presidential candidates had gotten to each other since Gore left his podium and walked up to George W. Bush in 2000, and so for me it was a bit more exciting to cycle to see them sort of argue and engage and actually be dynamic. I mean it's, it's worth noting that the debates that we've had you know at least the past couple of decades have been designed basically to be as, as boring and unsurprising as possible. Largely through the intensive negotiations of the campaigns. I mean, it's, I, I haven't read the you know, the memoranda of understanding exactly but as, as I understand it, technically, there was not supposed to be much engaging or directing of direct questions among the candidates this time either.

They just did it. I agree. I think that, that's largely a, a good thing. I think it's a good thing that they're, you know, generally in debates, where the candidates, to debate, and to engage each other, and to have back and forth. In that sense, I would say, probably that, that, the second of these two bate. These three debates, sorry, the town hall. Where the candidates. Probably came out most evenly, at least in my subjective point of view. That was probably the best, best in that sense of there being a national back and forth between them. I think the problem is that when that comes out of basically, candidates just sort of taking over the debate.

And deciding, well, you know, what, whatever the rules that they say, you know, my job is to go and cure and do this and this, and this. it, it, it, it's when you have an, an exchange that, start, that, that sort of gets away from, you know, any control of the moderator who is there to be sort of an audience surrogate. that, you know, I, I, I think that there's an issue. But I will, I will agree with Jay that, you know, I'd much rather see. Candidates talking to each other in a debate, generally, then candidates speaking one after the other. I, I just think the key in all these questions is you want as much, interaction and inquiry as possible.

You want to see these guys thinking on their feet, it's not interesting or useful to see oiled down excerpts from their stumps speeches. So you know, I, I, I think I'm generally in favor of, of an active moderator or situation where the candidates are peppering one another with a lot of questions. Let, Let's see their minds work in the moment. Let's see them try to recover their balance when they've been knocked back a little bit. That's how you really take the measure of how their minds work. Otherwise, it's like watching a theatrical production. It's due to criticism. People are responding to, to to, to, to silly things.

You know, I, so, I mean, I don't want gotcha moments. But, I want them to be... ask questions that they might not be anticipating or, or followups that really pin them down. And, so that to me is what's most useful in these, in these affairs. Which. Yeah. I think to a large part end up being unfortunately just about you know, who got off the best canned line. Ted, just, just very quickly. I guess the point I'm trying to make is that I think that Having, having candidates interact with each other, and having an active, involved moderator are not mutually exclusive. Oh, yeah, yeah, no, I agree, but I saying I, I'm not saying that you're saying that, but, but I guess that's, you know, the, the, the point that, you know, I think that, you know, the way, Candy Crowley, Martha Raddatz, you know, their respective debates were sort of, examples of that, it's not.

I agree. Paul Ryan and Joe Biden weren't just talking past each other, but Martha Raddatz was right in that following up directing questions at them, being specific. Candy Crowley, you know there was the famous fact check. Uh, and so forth. So, you know, it doesn't mean that moderator just sort of passed through ceding to the background for that to happen. I agree. Well, I think it is time for this moderator to recede into the background. Thank you guys so much for doing this. It was fun. Thanks. Thank you.

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