E.U. Unites Against Gaddafi, But Not on What’s Next

European leaders have struggled to find a collective voice since theuprisings began in North Africa two months ago, but at a Brusselssummit on Friday they articulated a rare and robust message of unityin the face of a defiant Muammar Gaddafi. With the Libyan strongmancranking up his attacks against rebels, the European Union deliveredan unequivocal call for him to depart as soon as possible so thecountry can begin a peaceful transition of power. “European leaderswere united, categorical and crystal clear: Gaddafi must go,” BritishPrime Minister David Cameron said. “We demand Gaddafi’s immediateresignation,” echoed German Chancellor Angela Merkel. “The problem hasa name: Gaddafi,” said European Commission President José ManuelBarroso. “He must go.”

But making bold statements is easy. The tricky bit is working out whatto do if, as seems likely, Gaddafi doesn’t get the memo. Europeanleaders agreed to consider military action if backed by the ArabLeague and United Nations, but most are wary of getting their ownhands dirty. And when it comes to the next step, Europe is as dividedas ever.

(See TIME’s video with Cameron.)

Some, like French President Nicolas Sarkozy, think Europe needs tomove fast. He has already recognized the Libyan rebel leadership, theNational Libyan Council, as the country’s legitimate government, andnow he wants his fellow leaders to agree to a no-fly zone over thecountry. Sarkozy even talked about “defensive” air strikes against theregime, saying they should be launched in the event Gaddafi useschemical weapons or unleashes airpower against unarmed demonstrators.

Sarkozy has partial backing from Cameron, and the two leaders wrote ajoint letter on Thursday calling on NATO to draw up plans for “ano-fly zone or other options against air attacks” by Gaddafi. Frenchofficials said those other options could include bombing Gaddafi’srunways to prevent his aircraft from taking off. But even as Cameronwas taking a stand with Sarkozy, British officials quietly distancedthemselves from the French President’s remarks about air strikes. Andwhen E.U. foreign ministers met on Thursday to prep for Friday’s summit, France found no one to support its moveto recognize the Libyan opposition.

(See the latest scenes from the unrest in Libya.)

Indeed, most E.U. leaders warned that intervention was fraught withrisk. Merkel said she was “fundamentally skeptical” about militaryaction in general and no-fly zones in particular, adding that there iscurrently no legal basis for such measures. Her foreign minister,Guido Westerwelle, warned that such an operation could easilyescalate. “A no-fly zone is not putting up a traffic sign, butintervening with bombs, rockets, weapons,” he said. “If it doesn’twork, do we go further, with land forces?” Belgian Prime Minister YvesLeterme bluntly declared that military action would only be possiblewith the blessing of the U.N. and a request from governments in theMediterranean region.

Even NATO defense ministers, who were also meeting in Brussels onThursday, rejecteda no-fly zone, agreeing only to reposition warships in the region andplan for humanitarian aid. NATO Secretary General Anders FoghRasmussen and U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates both made clear thatNATO would agree to a no-fly zone only with “a clear legal basis” fromthe U.N.

That might be hard to get, as Russia is against the idea, China isreluctant and Brazil appears unconvinced. But E.U. officials said theywere receiving strong signals from Libya’s neighbors that they think ano-fly zone is necessary. And perhaps the most significant outcome ofthe Brussels meeting on Friday was a call for a special summit on theissue with the Arab League and the African Union to discuss theunfolding situation in Libya.

(Exclusive Photos: Libya’s rebels repel a Gaddafi attack.)

Yet the focus on military action obscures the fact that the E.U. hasmoved remarkably swiftly and forcefully against Gaddafi in otherareas. Going beyond the U.N. measures, the E.U. has frozen the assets of26 Libyans including members of the Gaddafi family, slapped a visa banagainst them too, and extended sanctions to includethe $70 billion Libyan Investment Authority, which manages Libyan oil.

And the E.U. is already mulling a longer-term strategy to overhaulit’s so-called “neighborhood policy,” which has failed in its aim toprod the Mediterranean region’s regimes towards openness anddemocracy. On March 9, the European Commission unveiled a newstick-and-carrot policy proposal that said those Arab nations whostrongly embrace moves towards democracy will get more European aid.Officials say that the European Investment Bank could provide around$7 billion to some of its Arab neighbors in the coming three years.

Charles Grant, director of the London-based Center for EuropeanReform, says this is a chance for the E.U. to offer parts of the Arabworld more money, markets and mobility — but to tie those benefits toprogress on democracy and human rights. “If the E.U wants to influenceits neighbors it will need to increase its offer to them,” he says.”What should be clear in the new neighborhood policy, however, is thatonly countries which reform their political systems will enjoy theclosest relations with the E.U.”

(Read: “Could Defense Cuts Hobble Europe’s Response to Libya?”)

But these are not policies that can be put into action overnight, andthe Brussels summit on Friday underlined once again how slowly theE.U. usually moves. British Prime Minister Cameron, who had soughtstronger language on no-fly zones, insisted that for all itsdivisions, the E.U. had moved forward. “I think it is progress,” hesaid. “But sometimes progress can take some time when you’re having 27conversations around the table.”

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