The first hints that a successor to Chairman Mao Tse-tung had been chosen came in a Hsinhua communique last week on the disposition of Mao’s body. Capping a month of mourning, China’s official news agency announced that the body of the Great Helmsman would be enshrined in a crystal sarcophagus in a mausoleum to be built in Peking. It was also noted that Mao’s complete works would be prepared under the leadership of the Politburo, “headed by Comrade Hua Kuo-feng.” It was the first time that Premier Hua had been referred to in Peking as chief of the party’s Politburo—a post formerly held by Mao.
On Saturday, wall posters urging unity “around the party led by Comrade Hua Kuo-feng” were plastered up across Peking in full view of foreign residents. Although no official statement was issued, several news agencies, citing the usual “reliable sources,” reported that Hua had been named both party Chairman and head of the key Military Affairs Commission. Newsmen stationed in Peking noted unusually hectic activity at government offices near T’ien An Men Square; U.S. diplomats believed that a high-level party meeting was in progress, presumably to discuss and confirm Hua’s appointment.
Crystal Tomb. Hua’s elevation to Chairman of the party—if and when it becomes official—is no surprise. As Premier and First Vice Chairman, Hua has effectively headed China’s government since a strident wall-poster campaign ousted First Vice Premier Teng Hsiao-p’ing last April. Chosen in an apparent compromise between China’s bickering radicals and pragmatists, Hua dynamically directed the rescue and rebuilding efforts following July’s disastrous earthquakes. He impressed both foreign observers and party cadres with his skillful handling of Mao’s obsequies.
Hua originally made his reputation in Mao’s native province of Hunan; he caught the Chairman’s eye with his performance as an agriculture expert and administrator of the major central Chinese province of 50 million. The burly, amiable Premier (now in his mid-50s) is generally regarded as a moderating influence in the party; presumably he will carry on with Mao’s principal policies—pragmatic independence in foreign relations and concentration on agriculture at home. As chief editor of Mao’s works, Hua is in a unique position to serve as ideological arbiter of the Chairman’s legacy.
Whether Hua is in firm command of the party, and whether the factions have temporarily settled their differences, may become clearer as other appointments are made. Sinologists expect Hua to give up the post of Premier. His logical successor would be Chang Ch’un Ch’iao, about 65, Vice Premier and head of the army’s political department.
An important index of party unity will be whether the naming of people to top posts that have remained unfilled because of deaths and factional strife goes smoothly. The vacancies have seriously slowed the pace of decision making in Peking—particularly on sensitive political issues.
Perhaps the most comforting element in Hua’s ascension—at least for Westerners—is his firm opposition to reconciliation with the Soviets. In a recent interview with former U.S. Defense Secretary James Schlesinger, Hua bitterly denounced the Soviets as the “new czars.” It is a phrase that would have pleased the man whose body will soon rest in China’s crystal tomb.
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