INDONESIA: Birth of a Nation

A few hours before dawn, a bleary-eyed night porter at The Hague’s stuffy Hotel des Indes (named for The Netherlands’ once vast and profitable colonies) opened the heavy oaken door for a weary guest, who went promptly to his room, and to sleep. He was slim, patient Jan Herman van Royen, able career diplomat and chief Dutch troubleshooter at The Hague Round Table Conference, which had been called to settle the differences between Indonesia and The Netherlands (TIME, Sept. 5). Van Royen had just wound up a crucial committee meeting which seemed to assure the conference’s success. The way was clear for the birth of a new nation.

Broken Ice. Nationalists in Indonesia sputtered that they did not like the agreement which Van Royen and the Indonesian representatives had worked out (see below). Nevertheless, after four years of bitter fighting and endless negotiations, it looked as though Indonesia would get the freedom it fiercely wanted, and yet would retain some of the economic ties with The Netherlands which are necessary for the survival of both countries.

During its ten weary weeks, The Hague conference had often seemed close to failure. The Indonesians had wanted as much independence as possible, the Dutch had wanted to retain as much sovereignty as possible. But eventually the Dutch and the Indonesian delegates grew to trust and understand each other. One weekend motor trip to Namur, in Belgium, helped to break the ice; Indonesia’s Premier Mohammed Hatta and the Dutch Minister for Overseas Territories, Johan van Maarseveen, reached some important decisions chatting in their car. Explained Van Royen: “It doesn’t pay to try to be too clever. The only way to gain confidence is to treat people as normal equals. The fortunate thing is that our interests run parallel. They can’t do without us, nor we without them.”

One of the thorniest problems of the conference was the public debt incurred by the Dutch administration in Indonesia, which the new republic would have to take over. The Dutch had originally set the figure at 6.3 billion guilders ($1.7 billion), but the U.N. Commission on Indonesia, which hovered anxiously over The Hague talks, helped persuade the Dutch to scale down their demands to 4.3 billion ($1.1 billion). Another tough nut was the future of New Guinea, a large part of which is still held by Dutch troops. Under the compromise which Van Royen had engineered, both parties agreed to defer a decision on New Guinea for a year.

Equal Rights. The final Dutch-Indonesian agreement would set up the Republic of the United States of Indonesia, a federation with a constitution much like that of the U.S., in the general framework of a Netherlands Indonesian Union, much like the British Commonwealth. In this union the new nation and The Netherlands would have “equal status with equal rights.” Queen Juliana, as head of the Union, would embody “the concept of voluntary and lasting cooperation between the partners.” All Dutch forces would leave Indonesia within six months of transfer of sovereignty (to take place not later than Dec. 30). The U.S.I. would control its own army & navy, although the Dutch would keep the right to use the Surabaya naval base under Indonesian supervision; the U.S.I. would also control its own economy, although it promised not to seize any Dutch property, and to consult the Dutch in making trade agreements with foreign nations.

Last week, as the delegates solemnly signed the nine sheets of paper spread out on the green baize table in The Hague’s medieval Ridderzaal, The Netherlands formally relinquished her 300-year rule over her rich island empire. There seemed to be at least a fair chance that the new Indonesian Republic might become a stable island in the Communist-roiled waters of Southeast Asia.