The strife-torn island of Cyprus was hit by yet another crisis last week. As hundreds of cheering Turkish Cypriots listened over loudspeakers in Nicosia, their acknowledged political leader, Rauf Denktas., announced the formation of a separate federal state in the Turkish-occupied northern sector (see map). Denktas, 51, who will head up the new state, offered to join with Greek Cypriots in a federation if they should choose to form a similar state. But he flatly declared that “there is no possibility of living together with the Greek-Cypriot co-founders of the Republic of Cyprus.” A 50-member constituent assembly, he added, would begin work immediately on a new constitution.
Turkish Invasion. The action in effect ratified the de facto partition of the island forged by the Turkish invasion forces last July. At that time, Turkish Cypriots, who constitute one-fifth of the island’s 620,000 population, won control over 40% of the country’s land, including most of its natural and economic resources. About 200,000 Cypriots, mostly Greeks, were forced to leave their homes and become refugees.
Denktas’ statement hit the Greek-Cypriot community like a bombshell. Thousands of demonstrators poured into the streets, shouting, “Give us weapons to fight! No to partition!” To forestall a violent attack like the one that took place last August, in which U.S. Ambassador Rodger Davies was killed, Greek Cypriot troops hastily moved into positions around the American embassy.
There was no violence, but the Greek-Cypriot sense of betrayal could hardly have been deeper. Earlier in the week Archbishop Makarios, the prelate President of the constitutional Cyprus government, had approved a plan that would have created a “substantial” Turkish zone in northern Cyprus—a major concession—and would have allowed permanent settlement of Turkish refugees in the north. Glafkos Clerides, negotiator for the Greek Cypriots, insisted that major areas now under Turkish occupation must be restored to Greek control in order that some of the Greek refugees might be resettled.
After Denktas.’ proclamation, Makarios denounced the “utter contempt” the Turkish Cypriots had shown for the negotiations and requested an urgent session of the United Nations Security Council; it is expected to begin debate on the issue this week. As for partition, Makarios added, Greek Cypriots would “resist and if necessary sacrifice” themselves to prevent it.
Reaction in Athens was equally bitter. As Greek warships and planes headed out to sea to protect contested waters between Greece and Turkey, Premier Constantine Caramanlis denounced the Turkish-Cypriot action as a “new Turkish coup.” Although Greek defense officials acknowledged their inability to land successfully any kind of expeditionary force on Cyprus, one military commander in Athens warned that the situation was “only a breath” away from war.
For the U.S., which found itself in the awkward position of having alienated both of its crucial allies on NATO’S eastern flank, the crisis could hardly have come at a worse moment. Only the week before, Turkey had threatened to close American bases and reassess its participation in NATO in response to Congress’s cutoff of U.S. military aid (TIME, Feb. 17). Moreover, the confrontation came just as U.S. relations with Athens were on the mend. Said George Mavros, chief opposition leader in the Greek Parliament: “It’s unprecedented. I blame [Secretary of State Henry] Kissinger, and I blame [Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei] Gromyko. They have been talking about stability and peace and a fair solution on Cyprus. What do we have tonight? The eastern Mediterranean in a shambles.” A senior American naval officer concurred: “The entire American posture is in disarray. If we suddenly found that we were involved in any kind of shooting situation, the cost would be enormous in terms of effort and lives.”
U.S. diplomats on Cyprus see partition as a surefire prescription for a prolonged guerrilla war along the tightly guarded border that slices across the island and its ancient walled capital of Nicosia. Nonetheless, Turkish Cypriots last week stepped up resettlement efforts in their acquired territory. Shortly before Denktas. proclaimed a separate state, TIME Correspondent Erik Amfitheatrof paid a visit to the Turkish section and sent this report:
Backed by the Ankara government and by some 35,000 Turkish soldiers, a separate Turkish-Cypriot homeland has come into being in a blaze of nationalistic ardor. The red Turkish flag with the white crescent and star flutters from minarets, from official buildings, and from the historic St. Hilarion Castle atop the Kyrenia range. On every second building, signs proclaim: “What we have gained by blood we shall build by sweat.”
The Turkish-Cypriot administration has tried to parcel out former Greek property equitably—though there have been inevitable charges of favoritism. Each Greek house has a code painted near the front door, consisting of a letter followed by a number. Final selection has been accomplished by a sort of raffle. Unless a house had been looted, the refugees found it was fully furnished down to linen, clothing and dishes. The fleeing Greek families had stopped only long enough to scoop up money, jewelry and blankets.
A sense of violation is inherent in this mass transfer of villages, streets, houses and bedrooms. A Turkish-Cypriot policeman, Sermet Kani, 45, told of the eerie feeling of intrusion when he and his wife moved into their new house in Trikomo four months ago and found the previous owners’ wedding pictures. “It is disturbing to think about living in a house where other people were living and to think of some Greek family living in our old house at Paphos,” said Kani. “But we feel secure here. I would never go back.”
Barely settled into new quarters, many of them hope that the partition of the two communities will become permanent. Businessman Ahmet Gazioglu, 44, likens the island of Cyprus to a house occupied by two families. Says he: “We can share the same kitchen and living room with the Greeks, but we must sleep apart.”
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