Dominican Republic: The Rule of Personalismo

A year after the last U.S. troops pulled out of the Dominican Republic, the country’s chief domestic product is still bolas—rumors. A few weeks ago they flew as thickly as fat Dominican mosquitoes when President Joaquin Balaguer sacked the top men in his air force, national police and military staff. Though Balaguer likes to juggle the top ranks occasionally as a regular matter, word of widespread plots and intrigue spread through Santo Domingo. When asked about it at a press conference, the sober little President allowed himself a rare smile. “In this country,” he said, “there have been conspiracies against the government since the founding of the republic.”

Balaguer’s easy, confident answer demonstrated not only how well his 14-month government has taken hold, but also that most rumors of plots in Santo Domingo these days are, in fact, just rumors. The tiny country, which occupies two-thirds of an island, still faces serious problems and is living from month to month. Even so, it is more stable, united and optimistic than at any time since Dictator Rafael Trujillo was gunned down by assassins in 1961.

Twelve-Hour Day. Balaguer runs the Dominican Republic in the grand old Latin tradition of personalismo, dealing directly and personally with problems, people—and enemies. No sooner had he taken office after last year’s elections than he packed General Elias Wessin y Wessin, leader of the army’s ultra right, off to New York as the country’s alternate delegate to the U.N.; fiery Leftist Juan Bosch, in turn, went into “voluntary” exile in Spain. In the name of “national unity,” Balaguer appointed members of Bosch’s Dominican Revolutionary Party as his ministers of industry and finance, balancing them off with right-wing appointments to other offices. Support for Bosch’s party has so eroded that when Bosch called from Europe for “popular dictatorship” this summer, there was hardly a ripple of response. For their part, the Communists have split into six factions, and are too busy fighting among themselves to declare all-out war on Balaguer.

Balaguer consults regularly with his ministers, but allows them little independent action. “Nothing gets done,” says Santiago Food Processor Jimmy Pastoriza, “that Balaguer does not approve personally—which means, of course, that some things do not get done.” Balaguer works a twelve-hour day, then continues talking to visitors at his home. As the country’s most peripatetic leader since Trujillo, he also likes to helicopter out into the countryside for chats with peasants.

He has encouraging news for them. The government’s operating budget has gone from a $30 million annual deficit to a slight surplus this year. Fruit and vegetable exports have doubled. Housing starts are up 60%, the capital flight has halted, and new investment is trickling in. All this is creating jobs and easing the country’s massive unemployment, which still stands at 30%—a good sign that, despite its accomplishments, Balaguer’s regime has plenty of problems left to grapple with.