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An Interview with Viet Nam’s Nguyen Van Linh

5 minute read
Dean Brelis

Nguyen Van Linh is, in a sense, the Mikhail Gorbachev of Viet Nam. Named last December to replace Truong Chinh as General Secretary of the Vietnamese Communist Party, the 72-year-old economist has initiated a series of broad economic reforms, while encouraging citizens to voice their complaints and offer suggestions for change. Unlike the aging guard that led the wars against France and the U.S., then allowed the country to stagnate in poverty, Linh plans to raise his country’s standard of living by streamlining the bureaucracy, cracking down on corruption and expanding trade with the West. He is also eager to improve relations with the U.S. In a rare interview with a Western journalist, Linh last week outlined his plans to TIME Bangkok Bureau Chief Dean Brelis. Excerpts:

On U.S.-Vietnamese relations. We want to forget the past, forget that under several American Presidents we were engaged in a brutal war we did not start. We would like to see the U.S. embargo lifted and the two sides sit down and talk over the problems that are left from the war — problems like both sides cooperating to find the remains of Americans missing in action. We want the Amerasians, all of them, to go to America, if the father wants his child. If the Vietnamese mother wants to go, she will be allowed to go. There is no interest, none, for either country to maintain a gap between us. Step by step, we should move to restore diplomatic relations. Let us put the war behind us and work for a peaceful future.

On reports of American POWs in Viet Nam. I guarantee that there is not one single American held prisoner in our country. If there were, we would immediately turn him over to the U.S. Please put these absurd stories to rest. I recently heard that someone in America had offered a million dollars for the return of any American held prisoner of war in my country. How absurd.

$ On economic reform. We faced difficulties created by the ravages of 40 years of war. Afterward, we made costly mistakes in our effort to rebuild the country. Now we know the mistakes and their price. We were too hasty, too simplistic, too subjective. We tried to build socialism without going through the necessary period of capitalist development. Today we are correcting those mistakes with a profound and thorough renovation. A policy has already begun that wipes out a centralized bureaucracy based on state subsidies that caused our people suffering.

Our people need and want increased food production, and that they will get. At the same time, we will combat inflation with a greater supply of consumer goods to meet demand. It will be a balanced development that should result in a surplus of such exports as coal, oil, timber, tea and frozen seafoods. We are firing those not qualified, prosecuting those who abuse privilege and are corrupt. Our newly appointed younger managers will make decisions with brains in their heads, integrity in their hearts.

On the recent leadership changes. Originally, there were great leaders whose primary task was to liberate the whole country, regain independence and reunify the country. They made history. Today leadership tasks have changed. The style is also changing. We do not forget the great leaders who preceded us, and we approach our task, as they did, with a high degree of responsibility for the destiny of our nation. Democratic rights have been broadened. The working principle of openness — let the people know, let the people discuss, let the people work and let the people control — is fast becoming a way of life in our society.

On Vietnamese and Soviet reforms. The reasons for restructuring in the Soviet Union and renovation in Viet Nam are not the same. The level of development of the two countries is different. But both changes are aimed at freeing productive forces and accelerating development. The Soviet Union strongly supports Viet Nam’s renovation, and Viet Nam wholeheartedly supports the Soviet Union’s restructuring.

On Viet Nam’s occupation of Kampuchea. I don’t think it was a mistake for us to go in there. Even in the worst hours of the war with America, there was no such brutal massacre of Vietnamese civilians as occurred when ((Khmer Rouge Leader)) Pol Pot invaded our land ((in 1978)). We had no choice but to fight back. China gave the Pol Pot forces support, weapons and money. After we got them out and they went into Thailand, I should add, they received assistance from the CIA. Under such circumstances, the people of Kampuchea asked us to remain. As soon as the situation is stabilized and the Pol Pot regime cannot begin again to massacre at will, the volunteers from Viet Nam will come home.

On China. Relations are difficult, not just because of the Kampuchea problem. China wanted Viet Nam to be its satellite, and through Viet Nam, Kampuchea and Laos expand China’s power into Southeast Asia.

On trade. We want to broaden economic cooperation with all countries, socialist or capitalist, on the basis of mutual benefits and without political conditions. International trade is important to our future, especially with our neighbors and with Japan. Many private companies have already established economic ties with Viet Nam. We want to see those expand. I believe we are moving in the direction of the economic integration of Southeast Asia.

On his pastimes. There isn’t much time these days, but when there is an hour here or there, I turn to reading. My first love is Vietnamese literature, but I also enjoy Victor Hugo, Balzac, Mark Twain, Thomas Jefferson and Thomas Paine.

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