France: The Power of Choice

If it should happen Dec. 19 that the French people decide to put General de Gaulle aside, to disown that which is part of their history and—excuse me for believing this—for the present a national necessity . . . this would be an immense misfortune for the country.

That was Charles de Gaulle fighting for his political life on French television last week, apologizing for the views that for seven years he was wont to deliver from his haughty isolation in the Elysée. Instead, a fascinated France saw a new De Gaulle, submitting night after night, for the first time in his life, to the interrogation of a newspaperman—forced to defend his accomplishments as President, to explain his grand designs, reduced to begging for his re-election like any politician.

Madame du Barry. Was he anti-American? Indeed not, insisted De Gaulle. “In truth, who has been the ally of the Americans from end to end if not the France of De Gaulle?” What about fears that he was about to destroy the Common Market? “Nothing is more logical today than to create a common European market,” said De Gaulle, though he could not resist adding, “on condition, of course, that it is not adorned with unacceptable political conditions.” Then he was opposed to European political unity? “From the time I have been French, I have been European,” replied De Gaulle. Then suddenly, France was treated to the spectacle of De Gaulle’s hopping around in his chair: “You can jump up and down in your chair like a goat, saying ‘Europe! Europe! Europe!’ But that means nothing.” Had he neglected French needs at home in pursuit of his international ambitions for France? “Nothing has occupied me more than national prosperity,” snapped De Gaulle, and began reeling off statistics to prove it.

“Very interesting,” remarked François Mitterrand of his opponent’s statistics when his turn came on television, “but unfortunately, not exact.” Mitterrand made plain his own unequivocal support for the Atlantic Alliance and a truly united political Europe. “It is sad to note,” he observed, “how much Gaullism has come to resemble Vichy, with a monarch and a little court.” De Gaulle was like Madame du Barry before the guillotine, he said, pleading “Just another moment, just another moment, Mr. Executioner.” The force de frappe? “De Gaulle’s diplomatic toy, about as effective for France as the Maginot Line in 1940.”

Europe of the Past. They were telling retorts, and they persuaded some important Frenchmen. Elder Statesman Vincent Auriol, 81, whom De Gaulle recently had flown to Paris in his presidential Caravelle for medical treatment after a fall, turned on his benefactor to endorse Mitterrand. Jean Monnet, architect of the Common Market, backed Mitterrand as well, because he found De Gaulle’s idea of Europe the “Europe of centuries past, a rebirth of the nationalist spirit that has brought tragedy to France and Europe.” Even De Gaulle’s first-ballot, right-wing opponent, Lawyer Tixier-Vignancour, joined the other three eliminated candidates in opposing De Gaulle. The most important of them, pro-Europe, Catholic Centrist Jean Lecanuet, could not quite go all the way to an endorsement of Mitterrand with his Communist backing, but he advised his 3,700,000 voters either to choose Mitterrand or abstain altogether from voting.

It was Lecanuet’s key block of center votes that concerned both De Gaulle and Mitterrand and made both men move toward the center in their campaigning. Mitterrand insisted that he was not the candidate of the left but of “the republic”; De Gaulle argued that he was neither of the right nor left: “I am for France.” The Gaullists hoped France reciprocated but had their fears. Premier Georges Pompidou was sufficiently worried to call a press conference to announce that if France would only give De Gaulle another chance, he would mend his ways. “It goes without saying that General de Gaulle, after all that has been said, discussed, shown, will be brought around to rethink his action. It is possible that what he has learned during this great confrontation will lead to certain changes.”

The change in De Gaulle was almost pathetically evident in his final entreaty at week’s end as the nation prepared to vote. “The Republic has its President,” he said quietly. “It is I. Here I am as I am. I don’t claim that I am perfect. I do not claim to know everything nor to be able to do everything.” Earlier in the week Charles de Gaulle had taken a longer view, and it was likely the view that the history he loves so much will ultimately affirm. “Whatever happens, whatever happens,” he intoned, “I will have fulfilled my destiny … I will have fulfilled my life.”