The Presidency: Deep Background

THE PRESIDENCY

On two nights last week, President Johnson played host to small groups of newsmen, gave them “deep background” briefings* into his plans and aspirations for his first full term in office.

Limited Mandate. Despite his over whelming election victory, Johnson has no grandiose ideas about the extent of his mandate. He considers it a limited one, directing him to steer a middle-road course. He sees his role as that of a catalyst through which a national consensus may develop. Toward that end he will continue to urge such diverse elements in the nation as business and labor, liberals and conservatives, to “reason together”—a technique that has largely accounted for his longtime political success.

Johnson has no illusions about his ability to reshape and reform U.S. life in four years. Although he was an admirer and a protege of Franklin Roosevelt, he still disparages the zealous young New Dealers who sought sweeping national changes overnight. And one of F.D.R.’s few faults, Johnson believes, was his habit of playing various elements of U.S. society against each other. Johnson seeks accommodation, not conflict.

To Johnson, this concept in no way represents a forfeiture of leadership. It means merely that he is willing to accept slow but steady progress toward the “great society” he envisions, rather than risk a setback or stalemate by trying to knock heads together. Johnson’s great society does not consist of some grand philosophic design. Johnson distrusts philosophy. He is a pragmatist, and his interest lies in moving step by step toward clearly attainable goals.

Thus, Johnson frets about the fact that the U.S. population, now 192,807,000, is expected to swell to 350 million in 25 years; he constantly asks himself what, specifically, can be done to keep up with such an increase. He intends to enlist the nation’s best brains in a search for ideas on how to create new jobs, how to give employable skills to the many youths who do not go to college, how to cut the commuters’ travel time in the nation’s congested urban areas. He is convinced that this year’s tax cut has spurred the economy, yet he hews to no dogmatic economic theory. At the moment, he is determined to hold down Government spending. Yet, if the economy lags, he has no compunction against greater spending, or a bigger tax reduction, or both. He will do what he feels must be done.

Patience & Prudence. Johnson takes the same flexible approach to foreign affairs. He believes that new leadership in the Soviet Union, West Germany, Britain, India and Italy indicates a world in flux, full of new problems—but also new opportunities for accommodation. Aware that events may not always be to the U.S.’s liking in such a world, he counsels patience and prudence. The tide, he feels, is running in favor of the West in its competition with Communism. He has faith that world leaders, too, can learn to reason together.

Thus, abroad, Johnson believes that a multilateral nuclear force may emerge among Western allies as a practical means to prevent nuclear proliferation; but he will not try to coerce allies into accepting it. He hopes that the U.S. and French President Charles de Gaulle may find wider areas of agreement, but he is resigned to the possibility that this may not happen. He feels that the U.S. is pursuing the best course in South Viet Nam, wants the U.S. neither to expand that war nor to withdraw. Only last week Johnson prudently agreed to renegotiate the Panama Canal treaty as Panama has been demanding—and just as prudently announced the intention of the U.S. to build a second canal (see THE HEMISPHERE).

Lyndon Johnson knows that he may be criticized for being too cautious. But he is convinced that his approach ensures progress—and that is his principal interest.

* Direct quotes were banned. So, for that matter, was the fact that the President had held the sessions. But the Associated Press, which was not represented, broke the news.