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---
title: Tariq Rahman Must Revive Bangladesh’s Economy
description: Prime Minister Tarique Rahman of Bangladesh will have to focus on his primary task of reviving the economy.
canonical: https://time.com/7379429/tariq-rahmans-bangladeshs-economy-china-america/
author: Farid Erkizia Bakht
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article:published_time: 2026-02-19T11:15:00.000Z
article:modified_time: 2026-03-11T00:56:58.779Z
article:section: Ideas
og:title: Tariq Rahman Must Revive Bangladesh’s Economy
og:description: &quot;Prime Minister Tarique Rahman of Bangladesh will have to focus on his primary task of reviving the economy,&quot; writes Farid Erkizia Bakht
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og:image:alt: Tarique Rahman Prime Minister Of Bangladesh.
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twitter:description: &quot;Prime Minister Tarique Rahman of Bangladesh will have to focus on his primary task of reviving the economy,&quot; writes Farid Erkizia Bakht
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# Tariq Rahman Must Revive Bangladesh’s Economy

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by 

[Farid Erkizia Bakht](https://time.com/author/farid-erkizia-bakht/)


## Farid Erkizia Bakht


Farid Erkizia Bakht is a political analyst and a Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts, London.

Feb 19, 2026 11:15 AM UTC

![Tarique Rahman Prime Minister Of Bangladesh.](https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/blt4872c42e2b2463df/6998cf4f07a30d85ab77df0c/GettyImages-2261660165.jpg?branch=production&width=1200&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=3:2)

Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) chairman Tarique Rahman takes oath as prime minister during a swearing-in ceremony at the National Parliament building in Dhaka, Bangladesh, on February 17, 2026\. (Photo by MD Abu Sufian Jewel/NurPhoto via Getty Images)

Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) chairman Tarique Rahman takes oath as prime minister during a swearing-in ceremony at the National Parliament building in Dhaka, Bangladesh, on February 17, 2026\. (Photo by MD Abu Sufian Jewel/NurPhoto via Getty Images) NurPhoto via Getty Images—MD Abu Sufian Jewel/NurPhoto

by 

[Farid Erkizia Bakht](https://time.com/author/farid-erkizia-bakht/)


## Farid Erkizia Bakht


Farid Erkizia Bakht is a political analyst and a Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts, London.

Feb 19, 2026 11:15 AM UTC

Spring in Bangladesh––_Pohela Falgun_—came on Feb. 14, two days after the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) led by[ Tarique Rahman](https://time.com/7358216/bangladesh-elections-tarique-rahman-profile/) won a[ two-thirds majority](https://time.com/7378368/bangladesh-election-result-bnp-tarique-rahman-interview-takeaways/)in the national election in Bangladesh. But the triumph deserves an asterisk: the first election held after the 2024 revolution led by students toppled the autocratic Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was marked by a banon her Awami League party from participating in the polls.

The election results also announced the resurgence of the Islamist[ Jamaat-e-Islami](https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/15/world/asia/bangladesh-election-students-islam.html) party as a major political force in the country, which has largely been governed by the Awami League and the BNP since its founding in 1971\. The Islamist party, which has never wielded power and has a reputation for not being corrupt, has found greater support in western Bangladesh bordering India––a poor hinterland that has seen little investment in industry and job creation.

With its seemingly unassailable parliamentary power, the BNP government may initially sweep all before it, legislating new bills at will. Should it stumble on the economy, the BNP government will find itself caught between the pincers of a rising Jamaat-e-Islami and a latent Awami League base. Youth discontent over jobs and corruption is unlikely to disappear easily. Rahman, who was sworn in as[ prime minister](https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/tarique-rahman-sworn-bangladeshs-pm-after-landslide-election-victory-2026-02-17/) on Tuesday, will have to work hard to maintain political stability but his political success will depend on his primary task: reviving the economy.

### It is the economy

The BNP has pledged to double the size of the economy—from roughly $[460 billion to $1 trillion](http://www.thedailystar.net/news/national-election-2026/news/trillion-dollar-economy-2034-bnp-lays-out-long-term-vision-manifesto-4099601) in nominal GDP by 2034\. Achieving that target would require annual growth[ of about 9%](http://cpd.org.bd/can-election-manifestos-deliver-on-economic-pledges/), a tall order for a country whose economic growth has slowed to around 4%. The party has also promised to increase education spending from[ 2% to 6% of GDP](http://cpd.org.bd/can-election-manifestos-deliver-on-economic-pledges) and health spending from[ 0.75% to 5%](http://cpd.org.bd/can-election-manifestos-deliver-on-economic-pledges). No credible plan exists to raise the government revenue needed to fund such ambitions. To more than double the growth rate, private investment would have to rise from[ 23% of GDP to 35%](http://cpd.org.bd/can-election-manifestos-deliver-on-economic-pledges).


High interest rates over the past year and a half have drawn fierce criticism from economists and business groups alike. Many identify structural bottlenecks in distribution channels, rather than monetary policy alone, as the chief cause of elevated food prices. This is the Rahman government’s Achilles heel.

Agriculture accounts for[ 12%](http://www.tbsnews.net/supplement/why-agriculture-must-lead-bangladeshs-economic-transformation-1349976) of the economy and employs around[ 44%](http://www.tbsnews.net/supplement/why-agriculture-must-lead-bangladeshs-economic-transformation-1349976) of the workforce, around 50 million people. To bring down urban food prices and raise returns for hard-pressed farmers, Prime Minister Rahman needs to move decisively to tackle powerful, unregulated middlemen in food distribution from farms to cities, who raise prices along the way while depriving the farmers of fair prices. And he has to[ invest in post-harvest logistics](http://www.tbsnews.net/bangladesh/bangladesh-wastes-34-food-annually-experts-1249056) to benefit both farmers and the government in regulating supply and prices.

The other priority has to be managing remittances from Bangladeshi overseas workers, which is a lifeline no less important than any International Monetary Fund program. Around 10 million Bangladeshi workers toil abroad, mostly in the Gulf states. They have done more than the IMF to shore up foreign reserves:[ in just three months](http://en.bonikbarta.com/business/7syBgMgzfpdHgqdj) their transfers of around $7.5 billion match the fund’s entire support package for the country.


After the fall of the Awami League government in 2024, many of these workers[ switched from informal hundi](http://bdnews24.com/economy/02566c0b0ded) networks—which crumbled along with the regime’s patronage structures—to legal banking channels. The result was dramatic: remittances jumped from[ $21 billion in 2023 to $30 billion](http://bdnews24.com/economy/02566c0b0ded) in 2025\. To put that in perspective, the $9 billion increase alone exceeds Bangladesh’s total[ annual garment exports](http://www.thedailystar.net/business/column/news/narrow-window-us-cotton-gains-4107796) to the American market. If regulation of informal channels slackens, Bangladesh Bank, the central bank of the country, could lose this crucial flow of foreign exchange just as quickly as it gained it.

Roughly one million Bangladeshis leave for jobs abroad each year: a vital safety valve for an economy that produces two million new job-seekers annually but cannot absorb them all. Without this outlet, the country’s much-vaunted demographic dividend would become a[ powder keg](http://thefinancialexpress.com.bd/youth-and-entrepreneurship/global-learnings-for-bangladeshs-new-government). Unfortunately,[ intense corruption and exploitation permeate the labour-export sector](http://www.thedailystar.net/news-detail-251650). Several destination countries have already[ closed their doors](http://thediplomat.com/2025/09/why-are-more-countries-shutting-their-doors-to-bangladeshis/) to Bangladeshi workers, leaving the country dangerously dependent on Saudi Arabia for new opportunities.


As for the broader reform agenda, Khan Ahmed Sayeed Murshid, an eminent economist who led the writing of [a report on economic restructuring](https://www.thedailystar.net/slow-reads/big-picture/news/bangladeshs-economic-roadmap-priorities-the-next-government-4089211) in Bangladesh, counsels pragmatism: the BNP should keep the grand plan in mind but “target bite-sized, high-impact projects” for urgent implementation. The new administration must also secure reliable energy supplies for industry and repair a battered financial sector. Looming above all of this is the impending[ loss of trade privileges](http://www.thedailystar.net/business/economy/news/ldc-graduation-will-expose-economy-serious-risks-4092046) as Bangladesh is set to graduate from least-developed country status in November 2026 —a transition that will strip away tariff concessions on which many of its exporters still depend.

### Between Washington and Beijing

Reviving the economy is tied to a country’s geopolitical relationships. The first signs from Rahman suggest misplaced priorities. In its election manifesto, the BNP announced its intention to join the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). 


In his first appearance before international journalists, Rahman[ highlighted](http://www.facebook.com/story.php?story%5Ffbid=944812788072424&id=100076311330504) South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), which was initiated in 1980 by his father Ziaur Rahman, who served as the president of Bangladesh at the time. SAARC is a moribund regional organization. Last year India and Pakistan fought an air war. Cross-border trade across the subcontinent remains negligible.

But Bangladesh does border an ASEAN member, too: Myanmar. And more than a million Rohingyas refugees from Myanmar continue to languish in camps in Bangladesh with no solution in sight. Joining the ASEAN would allow Bangladesh access to diversified supply chains and a surge in inward Foreign Direct Investment. 

Bangladesh shares its longest land border with India but the relations between the two countries turned acrimonious after the 2024 ouster of Sheikh Hasina, who was supported by India. She fled to India and New Delhi’s refusal to hand her over to face prosecution has evoked strong criticism in Dhaka. Hostile statements led to suspension of visa operations and sports boycotts by both countries. Hasina continues trying to disrupt Bangladeshi politics from India and the BNP leaders demand her extradition to face trial.


Against a backdrop of widespread anger and distrust towards India, the BNP will have to tread carefully as it seeks a thaw in relations with New Delhi. For its part, India has little ability to compete with China in the realms of infrastructure or new industrial investment. New Delhi is also accused of[ imposing onerous agreements](http://www.reuters.com/business/energy/bangladesh-panel-says-adani-power-deal-overpriced-flags-procedural-flaws-2026-01-26/), particularly on energy contracts with Adani Group—a company with[ close ties to](https://www.nytimes.com/2023/02/04/business/adani-modi-india.html) the Indian government––which supplies around 15% of Bangladesh’s electricity.

New Delhi would need to do something dramatic—significantly reduce non-tariff barriers to imports or agree to a more equitable flow of water into downstream Bangladesh. With New Delhi unlikely to oblige on any of these fronts, any future rapprochement will be limited.

The most significant test for Rahman is balancing the United States and China. China is Bangladesh’s largest trading partner, with annual bilateral trade of around $18 billion, mostly goods imported from China. And Beijing has been the largest supplier of defense hardware to Dhaka. The two countries recently concluded an agreement to set up a[ drone manufacturing factory](http://www.reuters.com/world/china/china-set-widen-footprint-bangladesh-indias-ties-decline-2026-02-10/) in Bangladesh. Beijing has pledged an investment of[ over $24 billion](https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202510/18/WS68f38859a310f735438b5c36.html) in the country as part of the Belt and Road Initiative.


America is the single largest market for garments exports from Bangladesh, and it leads on inward investment in energy, with Chevron playing a key role in gas production in the country. A few days before the election, Brent Christiansen, recently appointed as the U.S. ambassador to Bangladesh, said that he would engage with the new government to clearly “[articulate the risks](http://www.reuters.com/sustainability/society-equity/us-moves-counter-china-bangladesh-plans-pitch-defence-alternatives-2026-02-11/)” of involvement with China in certain areas––a remark that prompted a[ fierce retort](https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202602/1355245.shtml) from Beijing. Washington, he suggested, will emphasize the “[opportunities and benefits](http://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/chinas-influence-election-focus-new-us-ambassador-sets-out-bangladesh-agenda-4086866)” it offers, particularly through military cooperation. Christiansen has also spoken of American companies evaluating investment prospects in Bangladesh but waiting for a “clear signal” from the Rahman government that it is business-friendly.

The political instincts of the Bangladeshi elite tilt towards the West but they are aware that investment in infrastructure has largely come from Asia. Japan and China lead in constructing bridges, ports, and railways. Beijing is offering to fund a $1bn project to help store diminished river water flow for irrigation. Last year a delegation representing 143 Chinese companies visited Bangladesh. They left underwhelmed by the interim government. 


The Chinese are waiting to engage the Rahman government. If Rahman does offer a “clear signal” to Washington, American businesses will need to move fast. If not, he may feel obliged to pay a visit to Beijing to court Chinese investment. 

The challenges are significant but Rahman does have a chance to revive the economy and bring stability to Bangladesh.

[TIME Ideas](https://www.time.com/ideas) hosts the world's leading voices, providing commentary on events in news, society, and culture. We welcome outside contributions. Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of TIME editors.

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