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---
title: The Economy Isn&#x27;t Necessarily Why Trump Likes Tariffs
description: Economists and Democrats dismiss Trump&#x27;s tariffs talk at their peril; historically, tariffs enabled the GOP to appeal to diverse constituencies.
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article:published_time: 2024-10-24T15:00:00.000Z
article:modified_time: 2026-08-04T07:42:59.861Z
article:section: History
og:title: Tariffs Don&#x27;t Have to Make Economic Sense to Appeal to Trump Voters
og:description: Economists and Democrats dismiss Trump&#x27;s tariffs talk at their peril.
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twitter:title: Tariffs Don&#x27;t Have to Make Economic Sense to Appeal to Trump Voters
twitter:description: Economists and Democrats dismiss Trump&#x27;s tariffs talk at their peril.
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![](https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/bltd047b7ac89057d56/698a8a3db3fce3cbb90d2338/trump-tariffs.jpg?branch=production&width=1024&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=16:9)


# Tariffs Don't Have to Make Economic Sense to Appeal to Trump Voters

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<!-- video src="https://cdn.jwplayer.com/manifests/uLiqxCkk.m3u8" -->
## Video: Donald Trump Outlines Policy Proposals As He Accepts the Nomination at the RNC

[Watch (HLS stream): Donald Trump Outlines Policy Proposals As He Accepts the Nomination at the RNC](https://cdn.jwplayer.com/manifests/uLiqxCkk.m3u8) (4:55)

![Donald Trump Outlines Policy Proposals As He Accepts the Nomination at the RNC](https://cdn.jwplayer.com/v2/media/uLiqxCkk/poster.jpg?width=720)

_Published 2024-07-19. Donald Trump used his speech at the Republican National Convention Thursday night to outline a few policy proposals during his speech, drawing a contrast with the Biden Administration over the economy, immigration, and foreign policy._


by 

[Bruce J. Schulman / Made by History](https://time.com/author/made-by-history/)


## Bruce J. Schulman / Made by History


Oct 24, 2024 3:00 PM UTC

![U.S. President Donald Trump speaks while holding a chart](https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/bltd047b7ac89057d56/698a8a3db3fce3cbb90d2338/trump-tariffs.jpg?branch=production&width=1200&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=3:2)

U.S. President Donald Trump speaks while holding a chart illustrating non-reciprocal tariff examples during a meeting in the Cabinet Room of the White House in Washington, D.C., on Jan. 24, 2019.

U.S. President Donald Trump speaks while holding a chart illustrating non-reciprocal tariff examples during a meeting in the Cabinet Room of the White House in Washington, D.C., on Jan. 24, 2019. Alex Edelman—Bloomberg via Getty Images

by 

[Bruce J. Schulman / Made by History](https://time.com/author/made-by-history/)


## Bruce J. Schulman / Made by History


Oct 24, 2024 3:00 PM UTC

Donald Trump loves tariffs. Last week, he told a [Chicago audience](https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/oct/15/trump-tariffs-price-hikes-warnings) that, “To me, the most beautiful word in the dictionary is ‘tariffs.’ It’s my favorite word.” For Trump, tariffs constitute the proudest achievement of his presidency and the engine of economic and social revival. “You see these empty, old, beautiful steel mills and factories that are empty and falling down,” Trump declared. “We’re going to bring the companies back. We’re going to lower taxes for companies that are going to make their products in the USA. And we’re going to protect those companies with strong tariffs.”

Trump’s tariff obsession flummoxes conventional economists, who see it as a potentially disastrous driver of inflation and trade wars. It also draws disdain and ridicule from Democrats; Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen [denounced](https://www.cbsnews.com/news/yellen-speech-tariffs-will-increase-inflation-risk-trump/) tariffs as deeply misguided.

But tariffs are about more than economic policy. They are also political and rhetorical tools, ones that played a central role in the development of the Republican Party itself. For the generations of Republicans who steered the party from the 1860s until the Cold War, tariffs were the glue that held together a political coalition. Trump has revived that 19th century Republican tradition, once again turning to tariffs as a central unifying principle. Dismissing his tariff fixation as bad economics can miss the point and underestimates the political and cultural appeal of such a vision.


For William McKinley, whose presidency bridged the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries, and his fellow Republicans, the protective tariff functioned as the central icon in their pantheon. Like Trump, they saw the tariff as an economic cure-all. It not only shielded American businesses from foreign competition, but also safeguarded the wages of industrial workers and funded pensions for veterans. “[I am a tariff man](https://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/history/waughj/classes/gildedage/private/gilded%5Fage%5Fpolitics/history/election%5Fof%5F1896.html),” McKinley declared during his 1896 campaign. "I run on a tariff platform.”

**_Read More:_** [_Where Donald Trump and Kamala Harris Stand on China_](https://time.com/7020042/trump-harris-china-explainer-trade-tariffs-taiwan-war-human-rights/)

More than anything else, the tariff served a political purpose. It cemented disparate state-level organizations into a potent national coalition. Protection rewarded heavy industry and the regions that supported it: the textile centers of New England, the steel mills and oil refineries of Pennsylvania and Ohio. Special tariff provisions also brought other constituencies, such as [Midwestern producers of raw wool](https://www.jstor.org/stable/3741818), into the Republican fold. Organized labor also worshiped at the altar, finding many of the most protected sectors less hostile to unionization. One union chief, for example, credited the tariff for stable employment and favorable conditions in the glass-workers trade. 


And, by liberally spending tariff revenues on pensions for Civil War veterans and their families, the Republican coalition extended far beyond the industrial centers that benefited directly from the high duties. Those expenditures, both on Civil War pensions and on surveying Western lands, managing resources, clearing Native peoples, and protecting white landowners kept Midwestern grain farmers and Western ranchers, who paid higher prices for protected goods and lost access to export markets because of retaliatory tariffs from foreign powers, firmly in the Republican fold. 

![McKinley Presidential Campaign Buttons](https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/blt5572c3e324c6003a/698a8a3e929fad70fec01a35/tariffs.jpg?branch=production&width=1200&quality=75&auto=webp)

Campaign buttons featuring candidate William McKinley promise "Protection" and "Home Rule" in the 1896 election. He promised to maintain high tariffs, as opposed to Grover Cleveland's attempts to lower them. Bettmann Archive/Getty Images

But for Gilded Age Republicans, the tariff represented much more than a ticket to prosperity. It also formed the foundation of Republican social policy. In their minds, it assured the health of the home and the virtue of young womanhood by sustaining higher wages and abundant employment opportunities that made it possible for men to support their families and women and children to fulfill their domestic roles. “Every woman should be a protectionist,” [one GOP broadside proclaimed](https://www.google.com/books/edition/The%5FAmerican%5FProtectionist%5Fs%5FManual/iNo1AAAAMAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=inauthor:%22Giles+Badger+Stebbins%22&printsec=frontcover), because the tariff made “a more self-respecting and womanly life possible.”


While tariffs glued together different factions and interests, they also allowed the Republican Party to situate itself as the party of progress and national greatness—not Make America Great Again, but Make America Great in the first place. Even if the numbers didn’t really add up, the Gilded Age GOP embraced tariffs as an instrument to make people wealthier, safer and [better behaved](https://www.google.com/books/edition/Party%5FGames/AULqCQAAQBAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=Mark+Summers+party+Games&printsec=frontcover) (reflecting the Protestant morality that dominated the party’s outlook). Flourishing business and secure workers would keep the Sabbath, dress neatly, and avoid taverns and other dens of iniquity that preyed on the degraded poor.

Whenever factional rivalries, regional tensions between Eastern and WesternRepublicans, or conflict between industrial and agrarian sections, threatened party unity, the tariff cemented them together. Leading Republicans like McKinley became adept at adjusting the rates to offer this industry a little extra protection or that veteran’s group better benefits or an area a railroad subsidy to dispel potential conflict.


**_Read More:_** [_Why Business Support for Harris-Walz Is Growing_](https://time.com/7025859/kamala-harris-ceo-polling/)

In the early 20th century, the party deepened its historic attachment to tariffs. During the 1920s, Republican-led governments passed some of the highest tariff walls in U.S. history, a strategy that many scholars believe set off a wave of foreign retaliation that undermined efforts to relieve the Great Depression.

Several changes came after World War II. Some GOP leaders resisted change. Ohio Senator Robert Taft led an effort to kill plans for an International Trade Organization in the early 1950s, for example. But most GOP politicians embraced international cooperation and more open trade as part of the nation’s Cold War responsibilities to lead the “free world.” Later, with the election of Ronald Reagan and the embrace of free market conservatism in the 1980s up until the inauguration of Donald Trump, the Republicans reversed their historic protectionism to become champions of free trade. 


![](https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/blt62647716eb793c3e/698a59b60116826c309861b8/MBH-Sponsor-Box-V4.png?branch=production&width=1200&quality=75&auto=webp)

Trump’s almost obsessive emphasis on tariffs, then, is not so much a reversal of economic policy as a revival of a tried-and-true cultural vision and a political strategy. Much like his 19th century predecessors, protection offers Trump an appeal to diverse constituencies: manufacturing interests, union laborers, declining industrial towns in swing states, voters without college educations and access to tech jobs. It also forms a coherent worldview with broad appeal: a nation victimized by insidious outsiders and the supposedly disloyal Americans who abet them. 

That’s why neither sober economic analysis nor the outraged ridicule of Democrats will shake Trump’s fondness for and constant repetition of his favorite word. As Kamala Harris works to combat Trump’s appeal to state swing voters, the Harris campaign would do well to remember that tariffs are more a political strategy than an economic policy. 


_Bruce J. Schulman is the William Huntington professor of history at Boston University and author of_  The Seventies: The Great Shift in American Culture, Politics, and Society.

_Made by History takes readers beyond the headlines with articles written and edited by professional historians._ [_Learn more about Made by History at TIME here_](https://time.com/6317798/introducing-made-by-history-for-time/)_. Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of TIME editors_.


## Transcript

Monday, a major ruling was handed down from a highly respected federal judge in Florida, Ilen Cannon, finding that the prosecutor and the fake documents case against me were totally unconstitutional, and the entire case was thrown out of court. With all of that publicity, thrown out of court. If Democrats want to unify our country, they should drop these partisan witch hunts, which I have been going through for approximately eight years. And they should do that without delay and allow an election to proceed that isy of our people. We're gonna win it anyway. On this journey, I am deeply honored to be joined by my amazing wife, Melania.

And Mania, thank you very much. You also did something really beautiful, a letter to America calling for National Unity, and it really took the Republican Party by surprise. I will tell you, it was beautiful. But I'm thrilled to have a new friend and partner fighting by my side. The next Vice President of the United States, the current Senator from Ohio, JD Vance and his incredible wife, Oha And he's gonna be with us for a long time, and it was an honor to select him, great, great student at Yale. His wife was a great student at Yale. They met at. Yale. These are two smart people. So, JD, you're gonna be doing this for a long time.

Enjoy the ride. If you took the ten worst presidents in the history of the United States, think of it. The ten worst added them up. They will not have done the damage that Biden has done. Only going to use the term once. Biden. I'm not going to use the name anymore, just one time. The damage that he's done to this country is unthinkable. It's unthinkable. Under this administration, our current administration, groceries are up 57%, gasoline is up 60 and 70%. Mortgage rates have quadrupled. And the fact is, it doesn't matter what they are because you can't get the money anyway. Can't buy houses.

Young people can't get any financing to buy a house. The total household costs have increased on average of $28,000 per family under this administration. Republicans have a plan to bring down prices and bring them down very, very rapidly. By slashing energy costs, we will in turn reduce the cost of transportation, manufacturing and all household goods. So much starts with energy. And remember, we have more liquid gold under our feet than any other country, by far, we are a nation that has the opportunity to make an absolute fortune with its energy. We have it, and China does it. Under the Trump administration just 3.5 years ago, we were energy independent, but soon we will actually be better than that.

We will be energy dominant and supply not only ourselves, but we will supply the rest of the world. So to conclude, Just a few short days ago, my journey with you nearly ended. We know that. And yet here we are tonight all gathered together, talking about the future promise, and a total renewal of a thing we love very much. It's called America. We live in a world of miracles. None of us knows God's plan or where life's adventure will take us. And quite simply, we will very quickly make America great again. Thank you very much. Thank you very much, Wisconsin. God bless you. God bless you, Wisconsin, and God bless the United States of America, our great country.

Thank you very much, everybody. Thank you.

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