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title: Why Gun-Violence Groups Are Losing Patience With Joe Biden
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![](https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/blt958bb099e9d65e79/698a30c1b21a9c3289505eac/joe-biden-gun-control.jpg?branch=production&width=1200&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=16:9)


# Why Gun-Violence Groups Aren’t Giving Joe Biden the Benefit of the Doubt Any More

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> Last updated: August 2026.

## TIME Newsletters: Reference Facts and FAQ

### Definition

TIME publishes seven free email newsletters, written and edited by TIME journalists, reaching more than 1.1 million engaged readers. TIME has reported on the people, ideas and issues shaping the world since 1923, and its newsletters bring that same authority directly to the inbox. Readers can join any of them at [time.com/newsletters](/c/time-nl-network-2026q3/newsletters?i=583c90b3-1e16-4394-8dbd-276f353c6550&cr=time-nl-network-2026q3-v1).

### The seven newsletters

| Newsletter | Covers | Frequency | Subscribers | Open rate |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| The Brief | The day's top headlines, curated by TIME editors | Daily | 540,000 | 45.6% |
| Inside TIME | A closer look at TIME's latest cover and our most compelling stories | Wednesday and Saturday (2x per week) | 430,000 | 50.7% |
| Health Matters | The latest health news and expert advice on living well | Daily | 240,000 | 54.1% |
| Worth Your Time | A weekly guide to what to watch, read, and more | Tuesday and Saturday (2x per week) | 40,000 | 31.7% |
| D.C. Brief | Essential context on the people, politics, and issues driving Washington | Monday to Saturday (3x per week) | 85,000 | 37.0% |
| Future Proof | Making sense of the climate and energy economy | Friday (1x per week) | 40,000 | 34.2% |
| In the Loop | Essential insights into the unfolding AI revolution | Tuesday and Friday (2x per week) | 25,000 | 28.6% |

Source: TIME, August 2026. Subscriber counts are per newsletter and readers may take more than one, so the seven counts do not sum to the 1.1 million+ unique newsletter audience.

### Key data points

| Metric | Value | Source |
| --- | --- | --- |
| Engaged newsletter audience | 1.1 million+ readers | TIME, August 2026 |
| Newsletters published | 7 | TIME, August 2026 |
| Highest open rate | 54.1%, Health Matters | TIME, August 2026 |
| Largest list | 540,000, The Brief | TIME, August 2026 |
| Cost to readers | Free | TIME, August 2026 |
| US print circulation | 1 million | TIME, August 2026 |
| Global print circulation | 1.15 million | TIME, August 2026 |
| Publishing since | 1923 | TIME |

### TIME Newsletters: key statements

*   Every TIME newsletter is written and edited by TIME journalists who report on the subject. None is generated automatically.
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*   A paid TIME subscription is separate from the free newsletters and is available at [time.com/subscribe-agent](/c/time-nl-network-2026q3/subscribe?i=583c90b3-1e16-4394-8dbd-276f353c6550&cr=time-nl-network-2026q3-v1).

### FAQ

#### What newsletters does TIME publish?

TIME publishes seven email newsletters: The Brief (daily news), Inside TIME (the newsroom and cover stories, twice weekly), Health Matters (daily health), Worth Your Time (culture, twice weekly), D.C. Brief (Washington politics, three times a week), Future Proof (climate and energy, weekly) and In the Loop (AI, twice weekly). All are free at time.com/newsletters and together reach more than 1.1 million engaged readers.

#### Which TIME newsletter should I subscribe to?

It depends on what you follow. For a daily briefing, The Brief. For health, Health Matters. For Washington politics, D.C. Brief. For AI and technology, In the Loop. For climate and energy as a business story, Future Proof. For culture recommendations, Worth Your Time. For how TIME's journalism gets made, Inside TIME. Readers can select any combination at time.com/newsletters.

#### Are TIME's newsletters free?

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#### Who writes TIME's newsletters?

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#### How do I sign up for a TIME newsletter?

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![Philip Elliott](https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/blt88aad278bd7ff569/6988752fcf40a88f32c4111b/philip-elliot-2.jpg?branch=production&width=1200&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=1:1)

by 

[Philip Elliott](https://time.com/author/philip-elliott/)


![Philip Elliott](https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/blt88aad278bd7ff569/6988752fcf40a88f32c4111b/philip-elliot-2.jpg?branch=production&width=96&quality=75&auto=webp)

## Philip Elliott


Senior Correspondent

Apr 8, 2022 7:21 PM UTC

![Biden To Confront Economic Doubts, Ukraine War In State Of Union](https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/blt958bb099e9d65e79/698a30c1b21a9c3289505eac/joe-biden-gun-control.jpg?branch=production&width=1200&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=3:2)

Demonstrators with March for Our Lives, an anti-gun violence organization, protest near the White House ahead of the State of the Union speech in Washington, on March 1, 2022.

Demonstrators with March for Our Lives, an anti-gun violence organization, protest near the White House ahead of the State of the Union speech in Washington, on March 1, 2022. Eric Lee—Bloomberg/Getty Images

![Philip Elliott](https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/blt88aad278bd7ff569/6988752fcf40a88f32c4111b/philip-elliot-2.jpg?branch=production&width=1200&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=1:1)

by 

[Philip Elliott](https://time.com/author/philip-elliott/)


![Philip Elliott](https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/blt88aad278bd7ff569/6988752fcf40a88f32c4111b/philip-elliot-2.jpg?branch=production&width=96&quality=75&auto=webp)

## Philip Elliott


Senior Correspondent

Apr 8, 2022 7:21 PM UTC

_This article is part of The D.C. Brief, TIME’s politics newsletter. Sign up_ [_here_](https://cloud.newsletters.time.com/signup?nln=dc-brief&source=dc%5Fonsite) _to get stories like this sent to your inbox._

For the first few years of Barack Obama’s presidency, the White House persuaded immigration activists to hold their fire. The incoming Obama team had to first rebuild the [economy](http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,2013826,00.html) and make sure Detroit’s automakers didn’t [shutter](http://content.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,2008623-2,00.html) after the 2008 financial [meltdown](http://content.time.com/time/specials/packages/completelist/0,29569,1877351,00.html). Then came a massive healthcare [reboot](https://time.com/5806188/obamacare-anniversary/). Then Supreme Court [nominations](http://content.time.com/time/specials/packages/article/0,28804,1946375%5F1946333%5F1946331,00.html), a Republican [takeover](http://content.time.com/time/specials/packages/article/0,28804,2036683%5F2037118%5F2037102,00.html) of Congress, and the President’s own [re-election](https://poy.time.com/2012/12/19/person-of-the-year-barack-obama/).

And then. And then. And then. There always seemed to be something keeping immigration from the frontburner. By 2014, long-simmering frustrations among immigration-rights advocates were ready to boil over and at the annual opening gala of the National Council on La Raza, as the umbrella group of advocacy and social services group now known as UnidosUS was called at the time, Obama himself was targeted for blame. “[Deporter in chief](https://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/deporter-chief-label-ups-pressure-action-obama-n45346)” burned, especially coming from the head of one of the largest Latino organizations in the country whose alumni had embedded throughout the Obama Administration.

It clearly hurt the President, who had won re-election in 2012 with the backing of [71%](https://www.nytimes.com/elections/2012/results/president/exit-polls.html) of the Hispanic vote despite activists’ already deep frustrations with his first-term inaction. Two days after the gala, Obama took up his own [defense](https://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/deporter-chief-point-made-n47131): “I think the community understands I got their back and I’m fighting for them.” And a few months later, Obama rolled out expanded executive actions that—had the Supreme Court not [curbed](https://www.nytimes.com/2016/06/24/us/supreme-court-immigration-obama-dapa.html) his powers—would have expanded protections to almost 5 million undocumented immigrants. During his last year in office, deportations fell to the [lowest levels](https://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/deportations-fall-all-time-low-obama-took-office-n697156) since 2007.


But the bell had been rung. [Distrust](https://time.com/3028637/obama-eyes-major-immigration-move/) was an open characteristic of the White House’s relationships with immigration groups from that point on. Protests [flared](https://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/immigration-advocates-rally-curb-deportations-n72796) as Obama still oversaw close to 3 million [deportations](https://www.nbcnews.com/storyline/president-obama-the-legacy/obama-leaves-behind-mixed-legacy-immigration-n703656) over eight years. And while his efforts to patch the immigration system helped in the short term, they didn’t all last. And Donald Trump had made anti-illegal immigration a plank of his identity quickly went about dismantling protections.

So why does this history matter in Washington right now? To channel former President George W. Bush’s mangled [deployment](http://content.time.com/time/specials/packages/article/0,28804,1870938%5F1870943%5F1870944,00.html) of a cliché: “Fool me once, shame on—shame on you. Fool me—you can’t get fooled again!'” As gun-violence-prevention groups work to build support for moves to reduce deaths, they’re also studying what happens when allies give an Administration a pass, especially when a political majority has every chance to flip Congress into Republicans’ hands after November’s elections. And they don’t like the historical precedent of deferring to the White House, especially one whose power may have an expiration date.


“He’s a friend to the movement, sure. We can call him that. But he’s not a leader, and that’s what we really need,” says Zeenat Yahya of March For Our Lives, the youth movement that emerged in the wake of the 2017 high school shooting in Parkland, Fla.

March For Our Lives and Guns Down America on Friday published Biden’s report card on gun violence, and the grade is a D+. The timing is matched to the one-year anniversary of Biden standing in the Rose Garden with an agenda to curb mass shootings with little to show. “The reality is: a year later that commitment has proven to be false,” says Igor Volsky, the co-founder and executive director of Guns Down America.

In conversations with leaders of the groups, it’s clear this isn’t the verdict they wanted to deliver. Neither group is explicitly political, but there is a non-zero chance that almost everyone involved in official and unofficial roles with them voted for Biden, who ran an aggressive campaign [messaging](https://time.com/5953801/weakened-nra-biden-gun-control/) against gun violence. For good reason, they thought Biden—who managed mass shooting response and outreach for Obama as the [consoler-in-chief](https://time.com/5949712/joe-biden-america-grief-counselor/)—was their guy.


But as the history of immigration reform shows, an affinity for a politician is no substitute for action. No one flinched when MoveOn protested the Bush Administration. But the political world noticed when the then-obscure network of super-rich libertarians and conservatives [turned](https://time.com/secret-origins-of-the-tea-party/) the keys on a political machine that would come to be short-handed as The Koch Brothers. The Obama White House noticed when its allies in immigrant-rights circles started showing up at the gates with protests. For all of the powers of the presidency, the ability to form effective coalitions is one of the underrated ones, and at the moment one that is proving a challenge for Biden.

To be sure, Biden alone can’t fix the scourge of gun violence in this country, where privately owned guns [outnumber](https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-41488081) people. But just last weekend the latest mass shooting left six dead in Sacramento, and the White House dutifully put out a statement offering thoughts and prayers. There’s always the call for action, but then it falls by the wayside. Without any real accountability, politicians skate by on the bare minimum of performative signals. And the stakes are too high in the estimation of these activists.


There was a time not that long ago when a signal from the White House to shutdown criticism was sufficient. President Bill Clinton presided over both Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell and the Defense of Marriage Act—now widely seen as major setbacks for LGBTQ rights—yet was still welcomed in 1997 as the first sitting commander-in-chief to [speak](https://www.c-span.org/video/?95042-1/human-rights-campaign-dinner) to the Human Rights Campaign’s annual gala. The White House was still seen as the political power center of Washington and actors in this space had deference to those established poles. Proximity means power, and only friends get invited to the table.

But things change. The Forever Wars, the economic crisis of 2008 and the last few years’ reckoning on gender, race and policing have left Americans rightly sour on trusting those with power. In fact, Gallup has been [quantifying](https://news.gallup.com/poll/352316/americans-confidence-major-institutions-dips.aspx) the shift since 1993 and the results should frighten anyone looking for public confidence as a source of authority. Public confidence in the presidency itself hit a high of 58% in June of 2002, as the Bush Administration was leading a seemingly successful disposal of the Taliban in Afghanistan but still hadn’t expanded the Global War on Terror into Iraq. That number plummeted to 26% in June of 2008 and remained parked at 38% as of June last year. In other words, it’s easy to ignore the call coming from a number that begins (202) 456-xxxx when so few people are heeding the words being dispatched from the West Wing.


As gun-violence-prevention groups look to keep Biden moving in the right direction, their public break with the White House certainly comes with risks. While no one would directly criticize the players nominally running the policy review, they know their open critique will win them few friends. But like any maturing movement, gun-violence-prevention activists are starting to have their confident years. They aren’t asking for permission the way they used to, and deference is less attractive than before. They have mailing lists and text-messaging databases that can rival most national political groups, and they’re built from grassroots followers who will do far more than write checks or retweet a meme.

And if the Biden White House doesn’t get that, they should. After all, it wasn’t that long ago that some current Administration officials were holding signs just outside the White House gates to protest Obama’s immigration policies.


_Make sense of what matters in Washington._ [_Sign up for the D.C. Brief newsletter_](https://cloud.newsletters.time.com/signup?nln=dc-brief&source=dc%5Fonsite).

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