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title: Democratic Donors Are Trying to Stop Bernie Sanders. Even They Worry It Could Be Too Late
description: Major donors and strategists worry the fractured field of Democratic candidates going into Super Tuesday will split up the delegates and funding necessary to block Sanders from running away with the nomination.
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author: Alana Abramson
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article:published_time: 2020-02-27T19:56:26.000Z
article:modified_time: 2026-10-14T08:53:59.615Z
article:section: Politics
og:title: Big-Money Democratic Donors Are Trying to Stop Bernie Sanders. But Even They Worry It Could Be Too Late
og:description: Major donors and strategists worry the fractured field of Democratic candidates going into Super Tuesday will split up the delegates and funding necessary to block Sanders from running away with the nomination.
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og:image:alt: Presidential Candidate Bernie Sanders Campaigns In Winston-Salem
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twitter:title: Big-Money Democratic Donors Are Trying to Stop Bernie Sanders. But Even They Worry It Could Be Too Late
twitter:description: Major donors and strategists worry the fractured field of Democratic candidates going into Super Tuesday will split up the delegates and funding necessary to block Sanders from running away with the nomination.
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# Big-Money Democratic Donors Are Trying to Stop Bernie Sanders. But Even They Worry It Could Be Too Late

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## Video: A History of Socialism in America

[Watch (HLS stream): A History of Socialism in America](https://cdn.jwplayer.com/manifests/lPw5Z50I.m3u8) (9:42)

![A History of Socialism in America](https://cdn.jwplayer.com/v2/media/lPw5Z50I/poster.jpg?width=720)

_Published 2020-02-12. TIME takes a look at America's long and complicated history with socialism, from early utopian settlements to the 2020 election._


![Alana Abramson](https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/blt841db4fb6fb33ac8/698a1380656a3f7bb2bda9e7/alana-abramson-2020-headshot.jpg?branch=production&width=1200&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=1:1)

by 

[Alana Abramson](https://time.com/author/alana-abramson/)


![Alana Abramson](https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/blt841db4fb6fb33ac8/698a1380656a3f7bb2bda9e7/alana-abramson-2020-headshot.jpg?branch=production&width=96&quality=75&auto=webp)

## Alana Abramson


Feb 27, 2020 7:56 PM UTC

![Alana Abramson](https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/blt841db4fb6fb33ac8/698a1380656a3f7bb2bda9e7/alana-abramson-2020-headshot.jpg?branch=production&width=1200&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=1:1)

by 

[Alana Abramson](https://time.com/author/alana-abramson/)


![Alana Abramson](https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/blt841db4fb6fb33ac8/698a1380656a3f7bb2bda9e7/alana-abramson-2020-headshot.jpg?branch=production&width=96&quality=75&auto=webp)

## Alana Abramson


Feb 27, 2020 7:56 PM UTC

As [Senator Bernie Sanders’s](https://time.com/5789338/bernie-sanders-nevada-democratic-nomination/) lead in the Democratic presidential primary has solidified this month, some major Democratic donors have started funneling their money into an effort to thwart the rise of the self-described democratic socialist. But even some of the donors involved in the attempt to stop Sanders concede it may be too late.

Major donors and strategists worry the fractured field of Democratic candidates going into Super Tuesday will split up the delegates and funding necessary to block Sanders from running away with the nomination. “Democrats who fear that Bernie Sanders would likely lose to Trump are frustrated that the crowded field of moderates in the race is making it difficult for one to break out of the pack,” says Jon Cooper, a Democratic donor supporting former Vice President [Joe Biden,](https://time.com/5790074/joe-biden-south-carolina-primary/) who thinks other candidates should exit the race.

In the aftermath of the New Hampshire primary, more than half a dozen donors turned to Jonathan Kott, a former longtime aide to West Virginia Democratic Sen. Joe Manchin. “A lot of Democrats were surprised that Bernie Sanders had been able to avoid the scrutiny of a front runner,” Kott says, “and they decided to act and make sure voters had all the information about his radical views before they voted.”

Kott formed the Big Tent Project, a group which, as a 501(c)4 nonprofit, does not have to disclose its donors. Within days the group received more than $1 million, which it poured into ads in Nevada and South Carolina to sow doubt about Sanders’ ability to deliver on his policy platform. “Socialist Bernie Sanders promises the world,” [stated](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wrbJ88PD7%5F8&feature=youtu.be) one ad that aired in both states. “But at what cost? $60 trillion.” Donations to the group picked up even more after Sanders’ win in Nevada on Feb. 22, according to Kott, who says he’s steadily been receiving more six- and seven-figure donations and is closing in on $3 million.


But the investment is minuscule in a race that features two billionaire candidates burning through hundreds of millions of dollars. And so far it has done little to stop Sanders’ ascent. Although there are plans to expand the ads in at least some of the 14 states voting on Super Tuesday, the contests are days away, with Sanders projected to win the most delegates. And while no one is yet conceding defeat, donors and strategists say the factor that aided Sanders’ lead in the first place—a crowded field of moderate alternatives—is continuing to complicate the effort.

The remaining candidates who are not funding their own campaigns—Biden, former South Bend, Indiana Mayor Pete Buttigieg, Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar and Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren—are splitting both delegates and money from donors, allowing Sanders to build on his advantage. In Iowa, New Hampshire and Nevada, Sanders amassed 45 pledged delegates of the allocated 100, while the other four split the remaining 55\. Sanders, known for his small-dollar fundraising capabilities, raised more than $25 million in January, according to filings with the Federal Election Commission. Biden, Buttigieg, Klobuchar and Warren each raised less than that individually, but amassed nearly $32 million combined.


“There are so many people in the race that the vote that isn’t Bernie is being split five or six ways,” says Alix Ritchie, a Democratic donor worried about Sanders’ chances against President Donald Trump. “He’s winning more votes than any individual person because \[they are\] splitting the rest of the vote.”

Ritchie herself has donated to Biden, Buttigieg, Klobuchar and Warren this cycle, and now admits that casting such a wide net has become part of the problem. “There are many people I know who have donated to several candidates who aren’t Bernie,” she says. “Everybody is just hoping someone rises above the crowd and they can get behind.”

Which highlights the most immediate problem facing the Democratic donors and operatives who want to stop Sanders. Cooper, for instance, thinks everyone but Biden should exit the race, because Biden polls the best against Trump in battleground states. But others reject the idea agree that candidates who have performed better than Biden to date should be the ones to exit the race.


Ami Copeland, who was deputy finance director for Barack Obama’s 2008 presidential campaign, believes donors would have rallied behind a single moderate candidate earlier if one stood out from the pack. “Each has their strengths and their weaknesses, and that is reflected in their appeal to the larger donor base,” he says. “Unfortunately that continues today.”

Rufus Gifford, a Biden fundraiser, says there is still time for the party to unify around a Sanders alternative.”When it becomes clear what the Bernie alternative is, you’re going to see the donor community – both high dollar and grassroots – coalesce around that person,” he says.

But the fear among some Democratic donors and strategists is that there won’t be any real clarity before Sanders’ delegate lead becomes insurmountable. There are few signs any candidate will get out before Super Tuesday, which will award more than a third of the total delegates to the party’s nominating convention in Milwaukee this summer. And despite donors’ fresh injection of funds, that fractured dynamic seems to be accomplishing what that money is working to stop: Sanders’ march to the nomination.


“Every day,” says Copeland, the Obama fundraiser, “it gets harder and harder.”


## Transcript

This is looking backward. By Edward Bellamy. It was published in 1888 and was one of the most popular books in America in the 19th century. In the book, a man named Julian West falls asleep and wakes up. Over 100 years later, in the year 2000, he finds himself in a futuristic socialist society where industries are nationalized and workers retire at 45. The book had a significant impact on American thinking at the time. Across the country, 165 Bellamy Clubs formed to promote its ideas. So what would happen if Julian West woke up in the 21st century as we know it? America will never be a socialist country.

When I talk about democratic socialism. Socialism is not the answer. West wouldn't be waking up to a socialist utopia, but he would find an America that had a long and complicated history with socialism. Looking at herself on television, it ain't Bernie. It is, you. It must be you. The definition of socialism can really depend on who you ask. The dictionary will tell you that socialism is a political and economic theory of social organization which advocates that the means of production, distribution and exchange should be owned or regulated by the community as a whole. To many voters today, socialism means expanding social safety nets like universal health care.

We asked Maurice Esterman, an expert on American socialism, to provide us with some context. For some Americans, especially those of a certain age who remember the Cold War. Socialism represents a totalitarian dictatorship where the state controls all of the what Marxists would call the means of production socialism and much of the rest of the world is understood as a system that seeks to maximize the benefits for all people. Some of the first attempts at collective ownership in America were utopian settlements that sprung up across the country throughout the 19th century. One of the most famous of these was New Harmony, Indiana, formed by social reformer Robert Owen in 1825 and New Harmony.

Labor was divided, inequality was prioritized. And like many of the utopian settlements at the time, it was founded as a place where bright minds could pursue their studies without interference from capitalist life. But New Harmony was, in large part, a failure, with infighting over governance and religion leading to its collapse. After just four years, the community had split apart and Owen lost most of his money. Despite limited success, communities like this laid the groundwork for socialism to develop politically in America. And as capitalism in America picked up steam. Socialism as a political force took shape.

Many industrial laborers grew unhappy with the status quo, while the countries owning class just grew richer. And the people in their own lives had seen enormous transformation. Going on in the economy. And they didn't take it just as well. That's the way it is. They still thought of society as something that was evolving. Workers around the country began to protest, and one of the largest actions was the Pullman Railroad strike outside of Chicago. The strike resulted in the disruption of Midwestern rail lines and a violent face off between strikers and federal troops as the strike came to a close.

Its leaders were arrested, including this man, Eugene Debs. While in jail, Debs became a socialist. And in 1900, a number of disparate socialist groups in the United States United and formed what became the Socialist Party of the United States. Davis became the Socialist Party's go to presidential candidate, running five times between 1919 20. And in 1912, he won a million votes. 6% of the total. That's the most a socialist candidate has ever won in an American presidential election. And he wasn't alone during that period. Socialist had managed to elect more than 1000 officials nationwide, including two members to Congress.

But this golden era for socialists didn't last long as a range of forces from anti-immigration sentiment to looming World War made them a target of attacks. Eugene Debs was arrested again in 1918, this time for violating the Espionage Act, a newly enacted law that made it illegal to speak out against the U.S. involvement in World War One. His arrest was part of a wider government crackdown against socialist following Russia's Bolshevik Revolution. The US government and many of its citizens feared that radical groups intended to challenge America's democratic values or even overthrow the government.

At the same time, the composition of the American left was changing. Communism, which was more focused on revolution than socialism, was, became popular among American leftists, somewhat displacing socialism as a popular ideology. An organization that, on the eve of the First World War, was capable of gaining 6% of the vote. A million votes and 100,000 members was reduced to a skeleton of itself. By the early 1920s. When Democratic President Franklin Delano Roosevelt introduced New Deal reforms such as Social Security and unemployment insurance in the 1930s, his opponents said he was carrying out a socialist agenda.

But for Americans socialist like party leader Norman Thomas, the New Deal was actually seen as a blow to their mission. Norman Thomas cracked that he's carrying out the socialist platform on a stretcher because, you know, he's basically killed socialism by taking some of the more appealing of its reform proposals and leaving no room for a socialist party. This tension between socialists and Democrats continued to hurt socialist power politically for the next several decades. During the Cold War, Socialism's reputation in America was further damaged by its perceived association with communism, which had been represented by totalitarian regimes abroad.

In 1962, socialist writer Michael Harrington gained notoriety for publishing the other America, a book that argued that 25% of the country lived in poverty. Some believe it partially inspired the government's war on poverty programs. Harrington went on to become a pivotal figure in the socialist movement, Harrington said. Let's work within the Democratic Party to push through a progressive agenda. And his phrase was, We should be the left wing of the possible. So in 1982, he founded the Democratic Socialists of America, or the DSA, whose candidates ran for office not as socialists, but as Democrats.

The DSA remained relatively small for the rest of the 20th century. Now it's official We are in a recession. In 2008, America was hit by the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression, and it disproportionately affected the middle and working classes. A few years later, the Occupy movement formed in reaction to growing inequality, but without specific demands. It didn't have much tangible impact. It's like the bee who stings and then dies. So Occupy died, but the sting remained. And the 2016 presidential campaign. Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders emerged as a popular candidate for the Democratic Party of America.

Sanders had been inspired by the work of Eugene Debs, and he had even made a documentary about him in 1979. He wasn't a member of the DSA, but he did call himself a democratic socialist. The only socialist on the democratic stage, Sanders lost the Democratic nomination. But like the Occupy movement, his impact remained. Two years later, the DSA rose to greater prominence when member Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez became the youngest woman ever elected to Congress and an overnight political celebrity. On top of her win, DSA candidates won dozens of local and state elections across the country, and membership rose from 6000 in 2015 to 50000 in 2018.

That said, DSA members still represented a very small number of American voters. It reflects important demographic changes and important shift in political values and beliefs, especially on the part of younger Americans. According to Gallup polling, young Americans views of capitalism have soured over the last decade. In 2019, they viewed socialism almost as positively as they did capitalism. And with the presidential election looming. This could signal a significant shift in America's politics. Republicans have continued to use socialist as an insult. To Democrats. Be the party of socialism. Hitler was the Socialists, and Democrats have debated if and how socialism fits into their agenda.

I am a capitalist. Come on. When I talk about democratic socialism, what I talk about are human rights. Will socialism continue to remain on the fringe in America as it has for over a century? Or will society start to look more like the fictional one Julian West found in looking backward?

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