TIME Hillary Clinton

The Hillary Clinton Papers: Not Much There

Hillary Clinton
Former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton delivers remarks to the National Automobile Dealers Association meeting in New Orleans, Monday, Jan. 27, 2014 Gerald Herbert / AP

The dirt unearthed in the Diane Blair papers wasn't much of anything, except for a rehash of the faux scandal-plagued years of the Clinton White House. And most importantly, it won't dull her political chances in the 2016 race, writes Joe Klein

In February of 1998, in the midst of the Monica Lewinsky scandal, I interviewed Diane Blair about her dear friend Hillary Clinton.

Blair was ill then, suffering from cancer, but she was vehement about two things: that Hillary was a dynamite friend–smart, funny, thoughtful and loyal–and that the Clintons had a real marriage. She told me a story about the two of them getting into a wild, screaming fight over some obscure policy issue, a fight so intense that she was beginning to get embarrassed and thought about making for the door…when Bill took Hillary’s face in his hands, looked over to Blair and said, “Isn’t she amazing?”

And so I wasn’t expecting much dirt from the Diane Blair papers, even though they were splashed internationally on Drudge on Sunday, with a big SCANDAL headline. And I wasn’t disappointed: not much there, except Hillary’s stiletto discription of Lewinsky as a “narcissistic loony tune.” Indeed, the “editor” of the “publication” that “broke” this story described the then-First Lady as “surprisingly human.”

To which I can only ask: Why surprisingly? I’ve known Hillary Clinton for nearly 30 years now. I wouldn’t say I know her particularly well, but well enough to describe her in an entirely different way–as relentlessly human. She has been willing to get really angry in my presence (I didn’t like her health plan). She has been willing to have open, questioning discussions about policy. She has, at times, displayed a wicked sense of irony; she has, at other times, admitted to having been badly hurt by the public reaction–the spitting, the invective–that splattered her 1994 health plan speaking tour. She has a profoundly goofy okey-dokey-artichokey personal manner; she is an extremely hard worker and clear thinker. She really cares about people, including the people on her staff, all of whom would stop a bullet for her. I’m not nearly cynical enough to attribute these qualities to pretense. She is obviously ambitious and can, at times, be ruthless–but so what? She is one of the finest people I’ve known in public life. (Which is not to say that I don’t think she may have some real problems running for President, problems of insufficient boldness and sometimes being just plain wrong–but that’s a different story.)

Oh, and one other thing: She loves her husband. The marriage is not a “partnership.” She loves the guy. Indeed, one of the saddest intimacies of the Blair papers was the implication the Clinton blamed herself, in a way, for the Lewinsky disaster.

My overwhelming reaction to the release of the Blair papers was sadness–sadness because I remember Diane Blair fondly, the sort of smart, level-headed person I’d want as a friend. But also because it brought back the disgraceful bilge volcano of the Clinton years–the non-stop garbage peddled and sleazed by Drudge and Rush and the then frisky young Fox Network, the fact that the Clintons were accused of drug-trafficking, murder, financial scandals and all sorts of vile craziness–none of which proved to be true. And no apologies have ever been forthcoming from the greasy perps.

In the end, Bill Clinton’s behavior toward women was primitive and embarrassing. He defiled the Oval Office…but looking back, he wasn’t a half-bad President, was he?

It would be profoundly sad if all this manure were dredged up yet again. If Hillary Clinton does run for President, she should be examined carefully–as a public servant, not as a demonic caricature. She’s far better than that; I hope we are, too.

TIME Israel

Academic Farcedom

The American Studies Association wants to boycott Israel…and us to pay for it.

I have a degree in American Studies–actually, it’s in American Civilization, which sounds far grander but really is the same thing. And so it has been rather painful for me to watch the members of the American Studies Association, the official mafia of my beloved major, taking vast, florescent positions on topics about which they have no expertise or authority. Namely Israel.

Regular readers know that my positions on my people’s Homeland haven’t always been politically correct. Indeed, I find the current Iran-sanctions-lobbying being done by AIPAC and their minions in the Congress to be nauseating, and shameless, in the extreme. It is, in fact, a blatant attempt to conflate a misguided sense of Israel’s national security interests with our own–a false equivalence if there ever was one. After the disastrous and naive bellicosity of the past decade, all Americans should be rooting for the nuclear negotiations to succeed–and for Iran to rejoin the community of nations after making a clear, veriable and irreversible commitment not to pursue a nuclear weapon. We do not need another war, certainly not another pre-emptive war.

Those feelings, however, do not stop me from being appalled by the American Studies Association’s empty “boycott” of Israel for its impositions on Palestinian lands. Again, the aggrandizement of Israeli settlements on the West Bank has been an illegal and foolish enterprise; but it is not impossible that we’re approaching the moment, thanks to patient work of Secretary John Kerry, when a new green line border–with equal land swaps–can be drawn. Conditions in the Palestinian territories are dreadful, but they have grown better in recent years, thanks to the economic and security efforts of prime minister Salam Fayyad, whom the Palestinians have sadly gotten rid of–and the raising of some security restrictions by Israel.

Certainly, Bibi Netanyahu remains a pest, involving himself in American politics–pro-Romney, anti-Kerry–in a way that no other American ally would (or could, for that matter). But in my mind, conditions on the West Bank do not rise to the depravity necessary for a boycott. And these sorts of gestures add gasoline to the ever-blazing delusion, among far too many academics, that the state of Israel, established by the United Nations, is not a legal entity.

The American Studies Association has a right to its opinion, no matter how stupid or venal. It even has the right to support a one-state Palestinian solution, if that’s the intent lurking in some of these professors’ minds. But as a New York state taxpayer, I do not want a nickel of my money to be spent on meetings of the ASA, travel to meetings, printing the results of such meetings or anything at all to do with such a feckless enterprise. So I support the effort of the New York State legislature to ban the allocation of funds to the American Studies Association. I hope it passes and is signed soon by Governor Cuomo. This is not a question of academic freedom, as the ACA argues. It is a question of the state funding partisan political organizations. You are free to yak, you are not free to have us pay for it.

Stick to American Studies, folks. It’s a lovely field. There’s plenty to do. Your huffy resolutions only undermine the public’s faith in your ability to render accurate judgments on the history, society and arts of our country. Israel is none of your official business.

TIME State of the Union 2014

You, the People

Obama urges Congress to quit bickering and just get the job done. Like the rest of us do

It is a well-known axiom of American politics that the word we is far more powerful than I. But Barack Obama demonstrated in his clever State of the Union message that you can be the most powerful pronoun of all. “It is you, our citizens, who make the state of our union strong,” he said at the start of the speech. “Here are the results of your efforts.” And then a litany of good news: unemployment down, housing and manufacturing rebounding, increased energy independence, budget deficits cut in half.

Given the hand-wringing and rancor of the past decade, this was a fresh breeze. It informed the rest of the speech: We’re doing O.K., but there are things–not monster things, simple things–that we can do to make this a jollier place. “Give America a raise!” Obama said, smiling, joyous. He made it sound like fun. And there was, implicit in all this fun we could have together, a message to Washington: We the Politicians aren’t doing nearly as well as You the People. We’re having this big, important, out-of-proportion debate about the size of government, but when that debate “prevents us from carrying out even the most basic functions of our democracy–when our differences shut down government or threaten the full faith and credit of the United States–then we are not doing right by the American people.” So c’mon, let’s get our act together!

The speech was billed as a left-populist call to arms on income inequality, in which the President would assert his right to act independently of Congress. And yes, some of that was in there–but modestly so. There was no “soak the rich” rhetoric. Opportunity was the operative word, rather than inequality. “Opportunity is who we are,” he said–a nice, simple sentence. The deficit-reduction discussion of years past–another out-of-proportion debate–was pretty much gone too. There was an awful lot of uplift: The daughter of a factory worker who became the CEO of General Motors. The independent female entrepreneur who, with the help of a federal job-training program, built an auto-parts company in Detroit. Carefully, Obama avoided the reality that federal job-training programs are a mess, then promised to have Vice President Joe Biden sort them out, with a brief nod to the need to “streamline” the government.

There were elements that Republicans clearly didn’t like. The President’s flat-out statement that “climate change is a fact”–another nice, simple sentence–will probably roil the troglodytes, but in this ridiculous winter, it had some heft. Similarly, his defense of the Affordable Care Act contained the sharpest elbow of the night, aimed at the House Republicans’ witless pursuit of repealing Obamacare: “Let’s not have another 40-something votes to repeal a law that’s already helping millions of Americans.” At the same time, he offered to seriously consider specific Republican proposals to reform the law.

Those proposals may finally be taking shape. Three Republican Senators recently announced a plan to “replace” Obamacare–that’s a necessary fig leaf for their party’s rabid base–which contained some interesting ideas and seemed, at the very least, a good way to launch some real negotiations on the law. The Republican opposition to Obamacare has been disingenuous from the start, but there are conservative, market-oriented ideas that could strengthen the program. The President himself has cited the need for medical-malpractice reform. Even if it succeeds splendidly–and it might–this is a law that will require constant bipartisan tinkering. It would also be nice to think that some progress could be made this year on immigration: “legalizing” undocumented workers rather than granting them full citizenship may be a good interim step toward defusing the poisonous status quo.

As I listened to Obama’s speech, I found myself thinking about the media’s role in creating the tense, toxic atmosphere of the past decade. We do gridlock a lot better than we do compromise. Our pages and broadcasts are overstuffed with fanatic pessimists. There is a chronic optimism deficit. We have been inured to this by a mudslide of shockingly bad news, from 9/11 to the Great Recession, and we have exploited it by succumbing to the entertainment value of contentiousness. We have wrapped ourselves in a straitjacket of cynicism.

And then comes a moment like Obama’s concluding celebration of Army Sergeant First Class Cory Remsburg, nearly killed by a roadside bomb, struggling to rebuild himself, to regain his voice–a metaphor for our country’s slow recovery from the bombs and crashes of the 21st century. The President drove this message home, but he didn’t need to: just the sight of Remsburg awkwardly, but triumphantly, waving a hand and trying to smile was enough: If he can, we can.

TO READ JOE’S BLOG POSTS, GO TO time.com/swampland

TIME Barack Obama

Obama on Data Mining

Barack Obama
President Barack Obama talks about National Security Agency surveillance, Friday, Jan. 17, 2014, at the Justice Department in Washington. AP Photo/Carolyn Kaster

The President offered a solid step forward in reforming a necessary security system.

Fred Kaplan, as usual, has the smartest, sanest evaluation of President Obama’s speech yesterday. It was not a perfect response to this vexing problem, but there were several major reforms that will address the excesses of the data-mining system. The most important, to my mind, is the “two-step” reform which will focus the government’s ability to detect the phone-affinity patterns of suspected terrorists…and protect those with 3 degrees of separation from troublemakers. For example, Yemeni bombmaker calls his cousin in America, who happens to be a dry-cleaner. You are one of the dry-cleaner’s customers (one-step). Your phone calls are searched for suspicious patterns (2 steps). You went to graduate school with Angela Merkel and have remained good friends. Her phone calls are searched (3 steps).

It is plausible that the Yemeni bomb maker is using his cousin to provide a safe house for a terrorist cell. But with each degree of separation–each step–the connections become less plausible. Two steps are a logical stopping place.

The removal of mountains of data from permanent NSA control is another important step. This should placate some of those who worry that the government may be the draconian conspiratorial enterprise that Hollywood portrays in far too many movies. A revised and expanded FISA court should help control access to this data.

Of course, there are more than a few who won’t be placated. They’re wrong on the merits, I believe, but their voices are a necessary part of our democracy. Clearly, in this case, the NSA had overstepped and needed to be restrained. But this sort of data-mining is an absolutely necessary part of our national defense in a time of asymmetric terrorist threats and, especially, the cyberwarfare to come.

Which brings me to the question of Edward Snowden. He reminds me of David Harris, the anti-Vietnam war protestor who refused to join the Army, refused to run to Canada, refused to become a conscientious objector (he believed some wars were necessary)–a valiant patriot, I believe–who went to jail for his beliefs…and went on to live a valued life as a writer.

Snowden is clearly guilty and, unlike Harris, has absconded with paranoid delusions that the government wanted to kill him. But there are mitigating circumstances. He was far more careful with his data than Chelsea/Bradley Manning, whose wholesale data dump has led to the exposure of about 150 human-rights activists around the world, who were sources of information for U.S. diplomats. In addition, Snowden’s disclosures have forced a necessary conversation and now, necessary reforms. It’s now time for Snowden to come home and face the music; but judgment in his case should be merciful. I hope and expect he’ll live a useful life after he is punished for the crime he committed.

TIME Veterans

The Wages of Foolish Wars

My friend William McNulty, the co-founder of Team Rubicon, has a very smart piece linking the appalling suicide rate among recent veterans to the existential emptiness of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.

Just think of it this way: Say you were a Marine in Fallujah in 2007 or 2008. You experienced one of the few unalloyed successes of that benighted war: with the help of local tribes that had grown sick of Islamic extremism–and new counterinsurgency tactics provided by Gen David Petraeus–you helped rid the city of Al Qaeda in Iraq. You saw it become civil, peaceful.

You may have lost some friends in the effort. You may have been wounded yourself. But you could still rationalize it: “I won my war,” a Fallujah veteran once told me. And that was sort of true, until a few weeks ago. Now Fallujah has slipped back under the control of Al Qaeda. How on earth could that happen? There are more than a few theories–although I’d put my money on the anti-Sunni bias and incompetence of the Maliki regime. But that’s not the point.

McNulty makes an important distinction: between depression and despair. Depression is one of the prevalent symptoms of post-traumatic stress. It is a natural reaction to the unimaginable terror that comes with combat, the survivor’s guilt that comes with the loss of friends, the frustration that comes with the loss of a limb or a traumatic brain injury. Despair is more profound: it comes when you’ve experienced any or all of those things–and you come to the conclusion that it was all in vain, that there was no earthly reason to have invaded Iraq in the first place or extended the war in Afghanistan beyond the counter-terrorist effort to snuff out Al Qaeda.

The latter feeling is beginning to settle in among far too many veterans. Will McNulty, who has one of the biggest hearts on the planet, spends hours on the phone with veterans who are ready to pull the trigger. Recently, a Team Rubicon volunteer with whom I served during the tornado cleanup in Moore, Oklahoma, nearly hung himself–his girlfriend cut him down just in time. I remember this fellow as an utterly sweet kid, with a big smile and lots of enthusiasm for the work. I am stunned by the despair beneath that smile. McNulty isn’t. He has lived his life with it; he has had close friends kill themselves.

And he is pissed off, because none of it needed to happen. The rest of us should keep this in the very front of our brains as assorted ‘patriots’–who aren’t really patriots, just ill-informed military zealots–would have us go back into Iraq, or into Syria, or would try to replace the promising nuclear talks with Iran with an unprovoked act of aggression. The rest of us should make it our number one priority as citizens: to stop those who would needlessly shove us toward war.

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