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---
title: Sending the Military to Venezuela Would Make Things Worse
description: As Venezuela fights over the presidential claims of Nicolás Maduro and Juan Guaidó, President Trump must not be tempted to use U.S. force
canonical: https://time.com/5516698/nicolas-maduro-juan-guaido-venezuela-trump-military/
author: James Stavridis
article:opinion: true
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article:published_time: 2019-01-31T02:49:17.000Z
article:modified_time: 2026-08-04T07:49:02.198Z
article:section: Ideas
og:title: I Commanded the U.S. Military in South America. Deploying Soldiers to Venezuela Would Only Make Things Worse
og:description: But it is time for Maduro to go, writes retired Admiral James Stavridis
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og:image:alt: Nicolás Maduro Venezuela
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twitter:title: I Commanded the U.S. Military in South America. Deploying Soldiers to Venezuela Would Only Make Things Worse
twitter:description: But it is time for Maduro to go, writes retired Admiral James Stavridis
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![](https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/blt008dfe5f336dbb0b/6989443e09208f59d94133b6/nicolas-maduro-venezuela-2.jpg?branch=production&width=1200&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=16:9)


# I Commanded the U.S. Military in South America. Deploying Soldiers to Venezuela Would Only Make Things Worse

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<!-- video src="https://cdn.jwplayer.com/manifests/uYKHGnu7.m3u8" -->
## Video: Trump Administration Hits Venezuela's State Oil Company With Sanctions

[Watch (HLS stream): Trump Administration Hits Venezuela's State Oil Company With Sanctions](https://cdn.jwplayer.com/manifests/uYKHGnu7.m3u8) (1:12)

![Trump Administration Hits Venezuela's State Oil Company With Sanctions](https://cdn.jwplayer.com/v2/media/uYKHGnu7/poster.jpg?width=720)

_Published 2019-01-28. The Trump administration imposed sanctions Monday on the state-owned oil company of Venezuela, a potentially critical economic move aimed at increasing pressure on President Nicolas Maduro to cede power to the opposition._


by 

[James Stavridis](https://time.com/author/james-stavridis/)


## James Stavridis


Jan 31, 2019 2:49 AM UTC

![Venezuela's President Nicolas Maduro delivers a speech during the ceremony of recognition by the Bolivarian National Armed Forces \(FANB\) after being sworn in for a second term, at the Fuerte Tiuna Military Complex, in Caracas on January 10, 2019.](https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/blt008dfe5f336dbb0b/6989443e09208f59d94133b6/nicolas-maduro-venezuela-2.jpg?branch=production&width=1200&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=3:2)

Venezuela's President Nicolas Maduro delivers a speech during the ceremony of recognition by the Bolivarian National Armed Forces (FANB) after being sworn in for a second term, at the Fuerte Tiuna Military Complex, in Caracas on January 10, 2019.

Venezuela's President Nicolas Maduro delivers a speech during the ceremony of recognition by the Bolivarian National Armed Forces (FANB) after being sworn in for a second term, at the Fuerte Tiuna Military Complex, in Caracas on January 10, 2019.Federico Parra—AFP/Getty Images

by 

[James Stavridis](https://time.com/author/james-stavridis/)


## James Stavridis


Jan 31, 2019 2:49 AM UTC

When I was Commander of U.S. Southern Command, I was in charge of all military-to-military operations south of the United States — from the insurgency in [Colombia](http://time.com/5316992/colombia-elections-duque-political-divide/) to disaster relief in Central America to dealing with tons of drugs flowing across the Caribbean Sea. But nothing worried me more than the direction of Venezuela under [Hugo Chavez](http://time.com/3610332/hugo-chavez-ballet-venezuela-cuba/). He was stocked with petrodollars, far from a fan of America and dedicated to a half-baked socialist strategy he egotistically called “Chavismo.”

He took Venezuela on a wild ride, buying weapons from [Russia](http://time.com/5510100/risk-limiting-audit-election-security/), funding left-wing movements all around Latin America and the Caribbean, flirting with noxious drug cartels and buying the loyalty of the poor in his nation with endless handouts and subsidies. Worst of all, he destroyed the previously solid Venezuelan oil industry and gave leadership of the national company, Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A., to his cronies, who milked it dry. When he died in 2013, his hand-picked successor, Nicolás [Maduro](http://time.com/4897084/venezuela-nicolas-maduro-borrowed-time/), took the reins of power.

If there was ever a case illustrating Karl Marx’s comment that history repeats itself, first as tragedy, then as farce, it was the turnover between Chavez and Maduro. The farcical Maduro has had a hapless run, further destroying the [economy](http://time.com/5511572/venezuala-crisis-what-to-know/) (aided by the collapse of record oil prices in the middle of the decade). The West sees the latest election as ham-handed thievery. The United States and most of our allies are joining in complete condemnation of what they consider the illegal Maduro regime, supporting the presidency claim by the leader of the elected assembly, [Juan Guaidó](http://time.com/5503040/juan-guaido-venezuela-democracy/).


At U.S. Southern Command headquarters in Miami, I’d bet the midnight oil is burning and the pizza is flowing in to feed the staff, which will be working on overdrive to develop options for President [Trump](http://time.com/5516547/venezuela-crisis-quick-read/). These will range from increasing intelligence gathering to starting benign humanitarian operations that would help the millions of [refugees](http://time.com/5457024/kindertransport-80th-anniversary/) flowing out of the country to building a coalition of regional forces for potential peacekeeping if a full-blown civil war breaks out. Many of these plans exist today as contingency plans; they are already robust and detailed roadmaps awaiting an execution order.


It is clearly time for Maduro to go. But [America](http://time.com/5295454/josh-holt-prison-venezuela/) should be cautious. Even though he is repressing the population and rounding up opponents, a full-blown invasion by the U.S. would foment rage in the region and internationally.

Everywhere I went as a four-star Admiral in the region while commanding U.S. Southern Command, I would be reminded of America’s history of intervention. A good example was the reaction there when we created the Navy’s Fourth Fleet in 2008\. We intended for it to focus on disaster relief, humanitarian operations, medical diplomacy and counter-narcotics. But from Brasilia to [Havana](http://time.com/5467742/cuba-doctors-export-brazil/), the negative responses were stunning. I remember being featured in caricature in a front-page editorial in _Granma_, the Cuban newspaper and party organ. The Minister of Defense of Brazil, a strong supporter of engaging with the U.S. military, was deeply suspicious. Even the Colombian Minister of Defense (and later President of Colombia) [Juan Manuel Santos](http://time.com/4522729/juan-manuel-santos-colombia/) — my best friend and partner in the region — counseled me against the initiative. Too many people there truly felt that standing up a new fleet was a return to gunboat diplomacy and a prelude to military action in Venezuela. Good intentions do not make old ghosts disappear.


Therefore, our best set of options begin with working assiduously with our allies, partners and friends — especially those in the region — to resolve the instability and economic disaster in Venezuela peacefully. We should levy even stronger sanctions on Venezuelan [oil exports](http://time.com/5514909/trump-venezuela-state-oil-company/) (going even further than those just announced by the Administration); push every democratic nation globally to recognize Gauidó as acting president; call for new elections within 60 days; offer an amnesty deal to Maduro and his leading claque (like beautiful beachside _casas_ in Havana or a nice _finca_ in Nicaragua); warn the [Chinese](http://time.com/5514456/china-canada-bargaining-chips/) and Russians, two Maduro backers with heft at the United Nations, that we are very serious in believing it will be better for everyone if Maduro goes; and rally the Organization of American States (OAS) to support the departure of Maduro.

We could propose that all talks be held under OAS auspices — to avoid the wrong impression of unilateral American [influence](http://time.com/5478644/venezuela-russian-bombers/). These could be done outside of Venezuela, much as the negotiations between the Colombian government and the FARC insurgency were moved to Havana earlier this decade. While most of the nations of the region are aligning with the U.S., there are several holdouts, including [Mexico](http://time.com/5499391/donald-trump-border-wall-mexico-pay/). We should quietly work with the new Mexican government to shift their position and potentially invite them to participate in a significant way in the talks.


This is still a time for communiques, not carrier battle groups. The Administration thus far has handled this first significant regional crisis in the Americas with a fairly deft hand, by using economic, political and diplomatic [tools](http://time.com/5206835/exclusive-russia-petro-venezuela-cryptocurrency/). They should continue to ratchet up the pressure, gather the allies to our side, fend off the Russians and Chinese and, above all, avoid the temptation to shift to hard power solutions — something [Senator Lindsey Graham has said President Trump](https://www.axios.com/donald-trump-foreign-policy-venezuela-lindsey-graham-89c8c3ff-c9f2-4924-9162-b10acd7e0185.html) has brought up.

There may come a time for more dramatic military activities, perhaps an international peacekeeping force. But for the moment, our efforts are best served by supporting the brave Venezuelans [fighting](http://time.com/4880093/venezuela-election-deadly-protests/) the Maduro regime through the overall efforts of the international community. As Simon Bolivar, the liberator of Venezuela and a revered figure there, said, “When [tyranny](http://time.com/4690676/donald-trump-tyranny/) becomes law, rebellion is a right.”

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