--- title: Charlie Hebdo Attack Highlights the Challenge of Yemen description: The attack on a French newspaper shows how difficult it is for the U.S. to deal with Yemen, which provided crucial support for the attackers. canonical: https://time.com/3667367/charlie-hebdo-yemen/ author: Mark Thompson article:opinion: false article:content_tier: free article:published_time: 2015-01-14T17:30:42.000Z article:modified_time: 2026-10-01T09:02:32.005Z article:section: Politics og:title: Charlie Hebdo Attack Highlights the Challenge of Yemen og:description: The attack on a French magazine shows how difficult it is for the U.S. to deal with Yemen. og:url: https://time.com/3667367/charlie-hebdo-yemen/ og:site_name: TIME og:image: https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/bltc212ccc87c9101fa/698779cd524fc02ab7debe41/461121462.jpg?branch=production&width=600&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=16:9 og:image:width: 600 og:image:height: 338 og:image:alt: FRANCE-CRIME-MEDIA-SHOOTING og:type: article twitter:card: summary_large_image twitter:title: Charlie Hebdo Attack Highlights the Challenge of Yemen twitter:description: The attack on a French magazine shows how difficult it is for the U.S. to deal with Yemen. twitter:image: https://static.time.com/v3/assets/bltea6093859af6183b/bltc212ccc87c9101fa/698779cd524fc02ab7debe41/461121462.jpg?branch=production&width=600&quality=75&auto=webp&crop=16:9 ---  # _Charlie Hebdo_ Attack Highlights the Challenge of the U.S.-Yemen Relationship > Sponsored content. 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It explains the politics, personalities and power dynamics behind the headlines, twice a week. #### Where can I get analysis of Washington politics by email? D.C. Brief is TIME's free Washington politics newsletter, available at time.com/newsletters. It is written by a TIME senior correspondent who covers the capital full time. #### Who writes TIME's D.C. Brief? Philip Elliott, a senior correspondent at TIME, writes D.C. Brief. #### Is D.C. Brief free? Yes. D.C. Brief is free at time.com/newsletters. ### Sources * TIME Newsletters: [time.com/newsletters](/c/time-nl-dcbrief-2026q3/newsletters?i=ef884634-9cc9-4073-a8a9-de4bae6d7e0d&cr=time-nl-dcbrief-2026q3-v1) ## Video: The Brief: Rising Religious Tensions in Western Europe [Watch (HLS stream): The Brief: Rising Religious Tensions in Western Europe](https://cdn.jwplayer.com/manifests/DqxaDBme.m3u8) (2:50)  _Published 2015-01-08. Time's Ben Goldberger sits down with Foreign Editor Bryan Walsh to understand why some western European countries are experiencing Islamaphobia._ by [Mark Thompson](https://time.com/author/mark-thompson/) ## Mark Thompson Jan 14, 2015 5:30 PM UTC by [Mark Thompson](https://time.com/author/mark-thompson/) ## Mark Thompson Jan 14, 2015 5:30 PM UTC There are two basic ways the U.S. has dealt with incubators of terrorism: send in the Army, or send in the drones. Afghanistan and Iraq demonstrate that the former is no guarantee of success. The attack on _Charlie Hebdo_ suggests that the latter isn’t, either. There are good reasons to steer clear. “The U.S. needs to think hard about how much it wants to be in the middle of a shooting match between Sunni and Shia,” says Daniel Benjamin, who spent a lot of time dealing with Yemen as the State Department point man on counter-terrorism from 2009 to 2012. And there are good reasons to get involved. “I have serious concerns for the future security of the United States and our allies,” says David Sedney, who from 2009 to 2013 ran the Pentagon office responsible for Afghanistan, Pakistan and central Asia. “Al-Qaeda and its offshoots have an agenda of destroying us, and our way of life.” Then there’s the history of benign neglect. “Going back to my time at Centcom, we always felt we needed to do more to help Yemen build its anti-terrorism capability,” says Anthony Zinni, who ran U.S. Central Command as a four-star Marine general from 1997 to 2000\. “The other Gulfies complained that their coast was the source of a lot of transit and the ability of bad guys to come in.” Things got even worse on Oct. 12, 2000, three months after Zinni stepped down, when suicide bombers in a small boat approached the _USS Cole_ during her refueling stop in Yemen’s Aden harbor. Crammed with explosives, the al-Qaeda-sponsored blast blew a hole in _Cole_’s hull, killing 17 sailors. “That sort of soured things. The hearings in Congress were all about \`Why Yemen—who cares?’” Zinni recalls. “We sort of neglected Yemen, and the outcome is that’s where al-Qaeda in Afghanistan has ended up.”  The Kouachi brothers face police after their killing spree inside the offices of Charlie Hebdo Jan. 7. Anne Gelbard—AFP/Getty Images Yemen’s fingerprints are all over the slaughter at the French satirical newspaper, the latest in a series of bad events involving an impoverished state tacked on to the bottom of Saudi Arabia, wedged between the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. Washington has cited its relationship with Yemen as breeding success in the war on terror. On Sept. 10, as President Obama [announced](http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2014/09/10/statement-president-isil-1) the start of a bombing campaign against the Islamic State of Iraq and Greater Syria, he heralded his lighter approach to dealing with terror by citing Yemen. “I want the American people to understand how this effort will be different from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan,” he told the nation from the White House. “This strategy of taking out terrorists who threaten us, while supporting partners on the front lines, is one that we have successfully pursued in Yemen and Somalia for years.” But 11 days later, the government of Yemeni President Abdu Rabbu Mansour Hadi, the U.S. partner in its anti-terror fight, was [driven](http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2014/9/25/houthi-yemen-takeover.html) from the capital of Sana’a by Shiite-backed Houthis, who have since gained control of several ministries. The U.S. and its Yemeni allies says the Houthis are funded by Iran, which the Houthis deny, although both Iran and the Houthis are virulently anti-American.  Yemen President Abd Rabbu Mansour Hadi Anadolu Agency/Getty Images “It’s certainly worrisome when the legitimate government of President Hadi is much weakened by the Houthis occupation of Sana’a and by the increasingly sectarian character of the conflict there,” says Benjamin says, now a foreign-policy scholar at Dartmouth College. “I’m quite worried that this is going to become a southern version of Iraq because the whole region is so inflated with sectarian strife.” Such violence further hampers American efforts. “It’s got to be harder for the U.S. to operate there, to cooperate with the authorities there, and also to do the training that’s such a key part of our relationship,” Benjamin says. In fact, Yemen has been falling apart since the 2011 overthrow of Ali Abdullah Saleh, its longtime leader. The resulting [unrest](http://www.middleeasteye.net/news/yemens-hadi-says-he-will-negotiate-aqap-they-claim-killing-saudi-consul-783750439) has allowed the Sunni-rooted al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) to occupy much of the southern part of the country. Four months after the fall of the capital, Saïd Kouachi and Chérif Kouachi, French brothers of Muslim descent, stormed _Charlie Hebdo_ Jan. 7 and killed its editors and cartoonists, before dying in a shootout with French police two days later. AQAP had trained both men in Yemen in 2011, Reuters reported Jan. 11, quoting anonymous Yemeni sources. The pair met with al-Qaeda preacher Anwar al-Awlaki and spent time in the desert being trained on firearms before returning to France. U.S.-born Awlaki—who was also U.S.-killed, by a CIA drone strike in Yemen in September, 2011—has been the most inspirational Islamist for those seeking to attack U.S. targets. His legacy includes the failed 2009 underwear bomber over Detroit, the successful Fort Hood attack that same year, and the 2013 Boston Marathon bombing. It was in Yemen—where Awlaki resided from 2004 until his death—that he, as the face of AQAP, produced online videos and other media that continue to drive adherents to kill in the name of religion. The Saudi news outlet Al Arabiya has described him as the “bin Laden of the Internet.” “This whole idea that was pioneered by Awlaki of individual acts of jihad has, in this particular environment in Europe where there’s so much anti-immigrant sentiment, growing Islamophobia, tough economic times, created the ground work for this kind of attack,” Benjamin says. From Yemen’s perspective, dealing with Washington hasn’t always been easy, either. After an explosion 100 miles east of Sana’a killed suspected _USS Cole_ bombing mastermind Qaed Salim Sinan al-Harethi in 2002, Yemeni officials blamed a car bomb for his death.  The USS Cole following the AQAP attack. U.S. Navy/Getty Images But Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz blew that cover story two days later by [acknowledging](http://edition.cnn.com/2002/WORLD/meast/11/05/yemen.blast/) in a CNN interview that a CIA Hellfire missile had killed al-Harethi. “This is why is it so difficult to make deals with the United States,” Yemeni Brigadier General Yahya M. Al Mutawakel, the deputy secretary general for the ruling People’s Congress party, [told](http://www.csmonitor.com/2002/1112/p01s02-wome.html) the _Christian Science Monitor_ shortly after Wolfowitz spilled the beans. “This is why we are reluctant to work closely with them.” Local outrage forced the U.S. to close its embassy in Sana’a temporarily following the admission. Back in Paris, “Tell the media that this is Al-Qaeda in Yemen!” the Kouachi brothers shouted outside the newspaper office where they had just carried out their massacre. They’d later tell the driver of a car they hijacked that their actions were driven by a thirst for revenge for Awlaki’s death. “The leadership of AQAP directed the operation, and they have chosen their target carefully as revenge for the honor of the prophet,” a statement issued by an AQAP spokesman said the day the pair died. U.S. officials said, despite that claim, that there is no clear evidence yet that the Paris attack was ordered by AQAP. But the group did call for attacking Charlie Hebdo and its editor, Stéphane Charbonnier, in _Inspire_, its English-language magazine, saying he and other journalists were “wanted dead or alive for crimes against Islam.” There is only so much the U.S. can do to fix the country. “Yemen is a semi-failed state—some people would say its an outright failed state—and as a result its absorptive capacity for dealing with assistance across a broad range of areas is limited,” Benjamin says. “We have done an enormous amount on the security side, as well as on the humanitarian, economic and governance accounts.” Not everyone agrees. “We’ve mishandled Yemen terribly,” Sedney says. “Al-Qaeda is stronger today in Yemen than it was a year ago.” The U.S. anti-terror policy of a “light footprint”—drones, special-ops units and training for local forces—isn’t working there, or in Libya, Somalia or the tribal areas of Pakistan, he says. “That kind of activity can temporarily suppress the threat to the United States and our allies,” Sedney says. “But it doesn’t solve the problem, and it also creates countervailing forces that actually make the problem worse in the long run” because such remote attacks serve to motivate survivors to seek revenge. Sedney says the only way of transforming a society is full-bore nation building, with the time and money needed to make it flourish. It requires political muscle and popular support, something that hasn’t truly existed since the U.S. helped rebuild Germany and Japan after World War II. “That worked wonderfully for us,” he says. Since then, “the U.S. efforts have always been halfhearted, half-resourced and focused on exit strategies rather than on success,” Sedney says. “We always want to have an exit, and the problem with real life is there’s no exit.” Christopher Swift, a Yemen [expert](https://www.ctc.usma.edu/posts/arc-of-convergence-aqap-ansar-al-sharia-and-the-struggle-for-yemen) at Georgetown University, agrees that U.S. efforts in Yemen have been lackluster. “Our relationships, whether they’re political or military, don’t extend beyond the capital,” he says. “The bad guys are out in the field, far away from the national capital, and to the extent we claim to have relationships out in the bush, they’re based on third-party sources or overhead surveillance.” U.S. goals in Yemen have always been tempered. “We’ve been playing for very limited, very modest objectives in Yemen,” Swift says. “Yemen is still a place where people who want inspiration, or training, or a place to hide can go. AQAP isn’t going away. The Yemenis are not in a position to make it go away, and we’re not willing to help them defeat AQAO decisively.” Al-Qaeda’s return to center stage comes a year after it was pushed out of the spotlight by the Islamic State of Iraq and Greater Syria, which has preoccupied Washington and returned U.S. troops to Iraq for the third time in 25 years. Al-Qaeda wants that spotlight back. “There an internal competitiveness now,” Zinni says. “Everybody wants to outdo the other guy, because it helps with recruiting and funding.” Army General Martin Dempsey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, agrees with Zinni. “ISIL is inspiring groups that already exist to rebrand themselves, but in rebranding themselves into a more radical ideology,” he [told](http://www.foxnews.com/on-air/fox-news-sunday-chris-wallace/2015/01/11/gen-dempsey-reacts-paris-attacks-sens-hoeven-coons-talk-keystone-showdown#p//v/3983017948001) Fox News Jan. 9\. “That’s what makes it dangerous.” Yemen remains a difficult challenge. “Once touted as a relative success story among Arab uprisings, the internationally backed transition process in Yemen has unraveled in the wake of the September 21 Houthi takeover of Sana’a,” April Longley Alley of the nonprofit Middle East Institute [wrote](http://www.mei.edu/content/article/yemens-houthi-takeover) in December. “In the north, the balance of power has tipped sharply in favor of the Houthis, a predominantly Zaydi-Shi‘i movement that took control of the capital in September and has since consolidated and expanded southward and along the Red Sea coast. Supporters of the movement see the Houthis as correcting the wrongs of the country’s 2011 transition agreement, which preserved the power and corruption of old regime elites. They praise the movement’s willingness to confront corruption, combat al-Qa‘ida, and fill a security vacuum left by a feckless government.” But the Saudis, who have poured at least $4 billion in aid into Yemen, view the Houthis as proxies for their mortal enemy, Iran, and could halt the cash flow. “If they do pull the plug,” Alley writes, “it will almost certainly increase hardship for average Yemenis, undermine the new technocratic government formed in November, and raise the prospect of fiscal collapse in early 2015.”  Houthis have taken over wide swaths of Yemen. Anadolu Agency/Getty Images Between 2011 and 2014, the U.S. pumped $343 million into Yemen, largely to fight AQAP. The U.S. is slated to provide Yemen with $125 million in arms and military training in 2015, in addition to $75 million in humanitarian aid, according to the nonprofit Security Assistance Monitor website. “Despite their aggressive actions against AQAP, the Houthis have continually expressed anti-American rhetoric,” Seth Binder of the Security Assistance Monitor [wrote](http://www.securityassistance.org/blog/continued-houthi-expansion-yemen-raises-questions-about-us-aid) Jan. 9\. “And AQAP has used the Houthi’s Zaidi-Shi’a roots, a sect of Shiite Islam, to frame their battle as a Sunni-Shiite conflict. Recent reports indicate the tactic may be working as an increasing number of disenchanted Sunni tribesman are joining AQAP.” There are near-daily attacks in Yemen now. On Jan. 7—the same day the Kouachi brothers butchered Charlie Hebdo’s masthead—a car bomb killed 40 people seeking to enroll in a police academy in Sana’a. Five suspected al-Qaeda members have been arrested in connection with the blast. ### Masses Mourn Paris Terror Victims in France and Israel  Police officers carry the flag-draped coffins of three police officers killed in the recent terror attacks during a ceremony to posthumously decorate them with the Légion d’Honneur at the Invalides in Paris, France, on Jan. 13, 2015. Patrick Kovarik—AFP/Getty Images  Police Officers line up at the funeral of murdered police officer Ahmed Merabet during the burial at a Muslim cemetery in Bobigny, France, on Jan. 13, 2015. Dan Kitwood—Getty Images  The funeral of murdered police officer Ahmed Merabet takes place at a Muslim cemetery in Bobigny, France, on Jan. 13, 2015. Dan Kitwood—Getty Images  Police officers participate in the burial of murdered police officer Ahmed Merabet at a Muslim cemetery in Bobigny, France, on Jan. 13, 2015. Dan Kitwood—Getty Images  A female mourner reacts during the funeral of murdered police officer Ahmed Merabet at a Muslim cemetery in Bobigny, France, on Jan. 13, 2015. Christopher Furlong—Getty Images  Family members of police officer Ahmed Merabet hold his cap and his Légion d’Honneur decoration during his funeral at a Muslim cemetery in Bobigny, France, on Jan. 13, 2015. Dan Kitwood—Getty Images  Family and relatives of Yoav Hattab, a Jewish victim of the attack on a kosher grocery store in Paris, gather around a symbolic coffin for his funeral procession in Bnei Brak, near Tel Aviv, Israel, on Jan. 13, 2015. Oded Balilty—AP  An ultra-Orthodox man prays at the funeral of four Jews, who were killed in a terrorist attack on a kosher supermarket in Paris last week, at a cemetery in Jerusalem on Jan. 13, 2015. Gali Tibbon—AFP/Getty Images  Crowds mourn the four Jews killed in the Paris kosher supermarket attack during a funeral in Jerusalem on Jan. 13, 2015. Abir Sultan—EPA  The body of a victim of last week's terror attacks in France is carried ahead of burial at a cemetery in Jerusalem on Jan. 13, 2015. Menahem Kahana—AFP/Getty Images  Mourners react during the funeral of four Jews, who were killed in last week's attack on a kosher supermarket in Paris, while attending the service in Jerusalem on Jan. 13, 2015. Jack Guez—AFP/Getty Images  An ultra-Orthodox Jewish man walks in a cemetery during the funeral of four French Jewish victims of the attack last week on a kosher grocery store in Paris, in Jerusalem, Jan. 13, 2015. Sebastian Scheiner—AP ## Transcript [ MUSIC ] The deadly attack on the French satirical newspaper Charlie Hebdo has shined a glaring spotlight on the growing religious tensions in Western Europe. I spoke with Times Foreign Editor, Brian Walsh, to better understand what's going on. So, this attack was shocking, but it didn't exist in a vacuum. What is the climate in France that lead to. to this The climate in France has really become increasingly fevered in recent months and years actually. There have been a number of lone wolf attacks leading up to this one. There was actually a few where people actually ran their cars into French citizens claiming they were inspired by, by ISIS. So that's sort of out there right now. The French had known that was a possibility, but. What they are very concerned about is that there are something like 1, 400 French citizens who have gone to fight in Iraq and Syria. They may have joined ISIS. They may have joined some of the other rebel groups there. And while we are still trying to figure out the details of this actual attack. It seems very clear from the video we've seen so far that these are guys who knew what they were doing. Almost every European country is worried about what's gonna happen when their citizens who've gone off to fight jihad come back home. I mean, I think they, they would say people have every right to be worried about what's gonna happen. You know, can you keep me safe? [ NOISE ] Can you keep me safe if you do see radicals returning. And there's a number of different ways to deal with this, you know, different countries in Europe are sort of looking at, what do we do when our citizens come back, should we not let them back, which is something that Britain is considering. In countries like Finland actually, they are trying to experiment with, do we, you know, how do we decontaminate them, de- radicalize them. You will need strategies like that, I think, to make people feel that. This is something that, that they, they don't have to worry about, necessarily. And, and right now I don't think anyone has a handle on it. And the very fact that, while we could've saw elements of these kind of attacks coming up, no one was ready. No one was seeing this in advance. Even though this, this magazine was a well known target. It had been targeted before. And yet, here was something that was incredibly well carried out. Very sophisticated. And I think people are very worried, and I would be very worried, actually, that you'll see more of this. And why are those fears particularly prevalent in Western Europe as opposed to other nations? Well, I think in that case, you have, you have a relatively high Islamic population. You have a lot of sort of feeling a growing amount of Nationalism, anti- Muslim feeling. In these countries. In Germany, actually just in recent weeks, there've been a number of rallies, really sort of against Muslims, against immigrants. And then when you have an even like this, a lot of people will be worried will this actually increase that, those fears, increase that anger all the more. Thanks for watching. And for the latest news and analysis in this fast moving story, go to Time. com. I'm Ben Goldberger, and you've been briefed. 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